Showing posts with label Inner Line Permit (ILP). Show all posts
Showing posts with label Inner Line Permit (ILP). Show all posts

United Gorkha Committee of Manipur delegation met Chief Minister O.Ibobi

Manipur  7th july 2016 United Gorkha Committee of Manipur (UGCM) delegates meet CM Okram Ibobi Singh and had positive response from Hon'ble CM. Various greviences were tabled. Beside ILPS, the delegates also shared Gorkha community's issues. 14 members delegates of United Gorkha Committee, Manipur (UGCM) accompanied with Sekmai AC MLA Shri Kh. Devendro Singh meet Hon'ble Chief Minister, Shri O.Ibobi Singh and discussed various greviences that have been facing by our community.

After a hour long discussion a copy of Memorandum had been submitted to CMO-Manipur.

Demands chartered are as as follows-

  • 1. The Government of Manipur must invite Gorkha community for consultation during redrafting the ILPS bills. 
  • 2. 200-300yrs old History of Gorkhas settlement in Manipur should be preserved and no "Migrants" allegation should be made on Gorkhas of Manipur.
  • 3. To reintroduce 4 Gorkha Gram Panchayats which has been abolished few years back. 
  • 4. To protect and insure the safety of Gorkhas in Manipur as well to facilitate remote areas with proper connectivity, healthcare, quality education, etc
  • 5. Service quota in various department of State Govt. to be reserved for the aspiring Gorkha youths.
United Gorkha Committee of Manipur delegation met Chief Minister O.Ibobi
United Gorkha Committee of Manipur delegation met Chief Minister O.Ibobi
    Besides several other points General Secretary of AMGSU also added few core agendas of the Union.
  • 1. To check the Discrimination faced by Gorkhas while seeking Residential Certificate, Domicile Certificate, Gorkha Certificate and other required documents in District Administration Offices, and offices of SDC, SDO in Gorkha dominated areas.
  • 2. Proposed for building a statue to honour first Gorkha freedom fighter Saheed Niranjaan Singh Chettry. Taking a serious note, Hon.CM ask to find a proper place where that can be install.
  • 3. Proposed to construct a Gorkha Hostel in state capital.
  • 4. Non availability of facilities like proper educational institutions, health care, and electricity in Irang areas was the another point.


He assured electrifying Irang areas will complete by October this year.
Meeting with CM as been completed with thanks giving for keeping his words for providing the monetary assistance to the injured victims, and job to the father of Tilak Poudel who was killed in Police action during the protest against the rape of a minor girl on 18th April 2014.

Report via Lok Adhikari, General Secretary, All Manipur Gorkha Students' Union.

United Gorkha Committee Manipur formed to meet new drafting committee on ILP Bills

KANGPOKPI, Jun 27: The Gorkhas of Manipur today formed a new organization to be the apex body of the Gorkha community in the State to address the grievances and issues related to the Gorkhas and represent the Gorkha community in sharing views and opinions with the new drafting committee on Inner Line Permit System [ILPS].

The newly formed Gorkha organization christened United Gorkha Committee, Manipur was formed during a meeting today at Rose English High School, Kanglatongbi.

Various Gorkha civil bodies including Gorkha women leaders, social workers, politicians, bureaucrats, intellectuals, well-wishers, etc attended the meeting.

The joint meeting of the Gorkhas unanimously resolved to form a coordinating committee to address the grievances and issues of Gorkha community in the State and to follow up the current burning issue of the State.
Rally for Inner Line Permit (ILP) by women activists of IMA Market at BT
Rally for Inner Line Permit (ILP) by women activists of IMA Market at BT
While it resolved to name the committee as “United Gorkha Committee Manipur” which was reportedly constituted by various Gorkha civil bodies leaders, it also nominated some prominent Gorkha leaders and subsequently elected the office bearers of the newly formed committee.
Hari Prasad Nepal, Bhumi Prasad Vikas and Shiva Kumar Basnet were elected as president, vice president and general secretary respectively while LB Adhikari, Karan Rai, Dillip Bhurtel and Rajen Rai were elected as the joint secretaries.

Another seven persons were nominated as members in the meeting and it was also resolved to nominate members and advisory boards from other places of Gorkha inhabited areas.

Speaking to media persons after the meeting, Hari Prasad Nepal said that the Gorkhas in Manipur have various civil bodies but there is no organization to represent the entire Gorkha community as a whole on any issue so far in the State.

Therefore, UGCM is formed as the apex body of the Gorkhas of Manipur to tackle any issue of the Gorkha community, he added.

Nepal further said that UGCM will also represent the Gorkha community of Manipur in sharing views and opinions with the new drafting committee on ILPS and other current issues of the State while adding that it [UGCM] will address the grievances of the Gorkhas and work for the welfare of the community in the State.

Via thesangaiexpress


MANIPUR GORKHA LEADERS ATTENDED PEOPLE'S CONSULTATION FOR BRINGING PEACE IN MANIPUR

10:12 PM
Manipur 22nd June 2016 Manipur Gorkha Leaders including Hari Prasad Nepal (President Sadar Hills Gorkha Association, Gaon Bura Irang part 1), Shiva Kumar Basnet (Pradhan Kanglatombi Gram Panchayat), Vikas Basnet (Autonomous District Council Member), Lok Adhikari (General Secretary - All Manipur Gorkha Students' Union), Devi Prasad Thapa and Kasinath Thapa attended the People's Consultation for Bringing peace in Manipur.

The consultation program was organised by Concerned Citizens of Manipur on 22nd June at Siroy Conference Hall, Imphal Hotel, Manipur.

The Leaders said "We have share all our grievances faced during the ILPs movement, our settlement, coming of Gorkhas in Manipur, populations. The Chief Advisor of JCILP Women wings, Smt. L. Nganbi and Khaidem Mani Sr.Advocate Manipur were also there. They accepted our community as an indigenous community."

MANIPUR GORKHA LEADERS ATTENDED PEOPLE'S CONSULTATION FOR BRINGING PEACE IN MANIPUR
MANIPUR GORKHA LEADERS ATTENDED PEOPLE'S CONSULTATION FOR BRINGING PEACE IN MANIPUR

Via GYASA


Public petition urges Tribal JAC and JCILPS to end ILP impasse

10:46 AM
IMPHAL, June 21: Over 500 people have come together to promote talks between the Joint Committee on Inner Line Permit System - JCILPS and the JAC Against Anti-Tribal Bills, Churachand-pur, JACAATB to end the ongoing impasse and restore communal harmony between the different communities of the State.

Significantly the campaigners are drawn from different communities of the State and the petitions are submitted online on Change.org.

Copies of the online petition have also been submitted to the JCILPS and JACAATB.
A memorandum each was also submitted to the Chief Minister and the Chief Secretary requesting them to mediate between the two parties.

One of the signatories said, “We the signatories believe that dialogue is the only means to sort out the differences so that peace is restored.”

The petitioners produced ad verbatim the quotes from the JCILPS and JACAATB.
The Chief-Convenor of JACAATB H Mangchinkhup said : “There has been no initiative from the Manipur Government for any dialogue for the last 6 months. We are open to any dialogue with JCILPS.”
Public petition urges Tribal JAC and JCILPS to end ILP impasse

The Co-Convenor of JCILPS Md Kheiruddin Shah Moijingmayum said : “So far there has not been any initiative from Government of Manipur. Of course, want to go for a dialogue with JACAATB.”
One of the campaigners of the petition, Devakishor Soraisam is quoted as saying, “I was very worried about the present turmoil in Manipur, the growing distrust between the communities and the possibility of communal violence. I saw dialogue between the communities as the only way to ease this turmoil and bring about an amicable solution. I also saw that many people shared this same opinion, but our individual voices were not getting heard. Looking at this, I pitched this idea of a petition to my friends and jointly started this petition.”

Another campaigner, Ringo Pebam said, “We are not activists, we are not Civil Society Organisations, we are not influenced by the State or non-State actors, we are just common men like you and him and her, who see what we all see, and feel the urgent need for a dialogue between the spearheading committees of the hills and the valley for an amicable solution.”

Diana Elangbam, who signed the petition’s webpage in Change.org commented, “I am a daughter whose mother belongs to a tribal community and a father who belongs to the Meitei community and to my knowledge all I can say is that there has been a huge communication gap among the various communities of Manipur which can be solved through peaceful talks and this would be a great start.”
Another petitioner, Kenny Sialloa, said, “We have been living together for centuries. No force should allow us to live apart from each other.”

The petitioners are pinning their hopes on the two sides talking things over for peace.


Via Manipur Chronicle


Gorkhas So far...: The No Land’s Wo/men in India (Part-II)

4:41 PM
Writes Tikendra Kumar Chhetry
Department of Peace and Conflict Studies
Sikkim University
E-mail ID: tikendrameets@gmail.com

Let two stories be placed in the beginning of this part of ongoing series pertaining to the ground reality of the Gorkhas in the country.

“In the western corner of our village, there once upon a time was Kaushik Sir’s residence. Our village lies in the interiors of the district, Chirang. Before the formation of Chirang district this village was under the Bongaigaon district. Being an interior, it had always been a safe haven for the extremists. We had to feed them and lodge them often. It was in the year 1988, a group of extremists reached Kaushik sir’s home in the evening and asked for food and a night’s stay. Kaushik sir did not have the option but to oblige. Unknowingly, a boy named Shyam Bhandari from the neighbouring village reached the sir’s house. When he found the group of the extremists in the house, Shyam left the house abruptly. He came to me and slept with my son after a casual talk. Next day, early in the morning, the group left the house. But on the way, there was an encounter with the Army and two of its members were killed by the Army.

After a couple of the days, a group of extremists reached Kaushik Sir’s house and assaulted him, accusing of informing the Army through Shyam Bhandari. Kaushik Sir refused to accept the allegation. The group suddenly spread throughout the village. None of the villagers knew what was happening. After a while we heard the words “got him”, “got him”...“he is here” and there was silence all around. A sudden gunshot broke the silence. In our place such instances hardly surprises anyone. Next morning we found the bullet riddle body of Shyam Bhandari on the northern end of the village with a piece of written paper warning “this is the result for being an army spy”. 

We understood they suspected that Shyam had passed the information that caused the encounter. But, we knew Shyam was not a spy. He was an ordinary boy who regularly visited our village for a casual gossip with his friends. In fact, it is like a convention in the parts of our world for many other youths to visit neighbouring village after dinner to meet friends. We knew, neither he was an enemy to miscreant nor their target nor he had any interest on their mission. But an unfortunate co-incidence led to his death. Next day the news reporting was such ...a migrant boy from Nepali speaking community was shot death by an unknown extremist group due to some misunderstanding between extremist group and migrants’ family... the news further emphasized – Foreign Migrants’ families are growing safer hideout for the extremist groups in the interior villages in Assam... After the news spread, police started to raid our villages. Torture remained unabated from both the sides, Police and extremist group. Now the question arises- who actually was Shyam and more importantly was he a migrant?

Shyam was not any migrant boy. He was son of retired soldier from another village in our district. His grandfather was a grazier permitted for same village under the Assam Land and Revenue Regulation Act (ALRA) 1886 during colonial administration (ALRA will be dealt in depth in the other upcoming Parts of this series). After the news spread, instead of proper investigation and governmental assistance to victim’s family, the other villagers were charged by the administration as if all Nepali speaking villagers were illegal foreign migrants. We had to produce our documents again and again even on the days Badadasain, the most important day in the year, so as to prove our identity. But if we dig out the history and our reality, our history in the village is older than the history of present administration system in this district, this state and in fact, this country itself. It is in the fitness of things to mention that our ancestors had all protection in this village during the days of colonial administration under ALRA, 1886.

Now the Second story... It was an evening some day in the year 1987. There were reports of attacks and killings of Nepali speakers in Jowai, Meghalaya and hence security personnel were deployed to control the situation and I was part of it. Jowai was the first location where Nepali speakers were the victim of the so called ‘inside-outside’ syndrome. While in duty we suddenly came across a crying baby in one of the corners of the Jowai market. Beside him lay another baby... motionless. As we approached them we realized that the one on the ground had died. The baby was still crying and as we extended a helping hand. The baby realizing that we had come to help said something in his vernacular which we could not decipher. We brought him to the camp where we came to know that he was a Nepali child. Somehow we could manage a person who could interpret us the reason as to why the baby was crying. The interpreter explained that the dead baby was the elder brother of the crying baby. The parents of the babies had gone to the coal mine for work leaving them alone. That particular day, an attack on the Nepelese took place all of sudden, in the day the attack on Nepali speakers took place. Members from the community were attacked wherever they were found.
It was the second day that the death incident had taken place; their parents hadn’t returned yet. At the evening of the first day of attack some attackers came and kicked the elder baby. Both cried the whole night and daythe day after but nobody came to their rescue in fear of the attackers... We kept baby with us for few days and later, he was given to one the Gorkha family who still safe and agreed to take up his custody. Then i tried to find out the reasons behind the attack on the Nepalese. I read local news papers and conversed with the local people. The community was alleged as migrant and thus were mercilessly targeted. Even babies were not spared...

Now the question arises - what is the essence of these stories? Why have I started with the two anecdotes instead of building upon the argument that i initiated in the part-I of this series? Let me clarify. But before that first I would like you to acquaint with the fact that the first story is an excerpt of a story described by a respondent to a researcher who has carried and completed his thesis on Gorkhas of Assam few years back. This is only one of the many field narratives those this writer read in the mentioned thesis. These stories are tiny examples of visible pictures that in what condition large number of Gorkha population is living in their own country as No Land’s Wo/men since years.
The second story is the outcome of my interaction with the security personnel who was deployed during the anti-Nepali attacks in Meghalaya in 1987, while I was on the way to Delhi in 2013. The interaction initiated with a newspaper that I was reading which contained the news about the Gorkhas of western Assam, which my co-passenger, the army personal happened to notice. The news referred to was about the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) which issued a notice against the Gorkhas living in Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC), western part of Assam. The notice of the outfit groups read that ‘all Nepali speakers living in Bodo dominated areas should pay Rupees ten lakhs to the outfit group per household at par as a text levied on foreign nationals for the corresponding year’. The notice had warned that failure in making the payment may cause forceful eviction or an extreme action against all Nepali speakers from the region right after ten days of the commencement of circulation of notice. A person named Kul Bahadur Giri was shot in public when he failed to pay the amount fixed by extremist outfit in Chirang district, about which a mention has been made in the part-I of this series. I recall this story when the crisis of Gorkhas in Manipur was covered by the local media in Gorkhas populace area and at the same time the incidence of Aylan Kurdi, a Syrian baby, whose body was found on the sea shore after he died along with his mother and his brother while migrating from his native country Syria, after the ongoing Syrian crisis. This news though was covered locally, nationally and globally. The news intrigued me and i could not help without relating it with the second story that I have mentioned. But i don’t know if this juxtaposition is justifiable or sensible. Sensible or not, yet I would like to.
Gorkhas So far...: The No Land’s Wo/men in India (Part-II)
North East India
I am unable to say whether the case of those babies (wherein one died) discussed in second story is similar to Aylan Kurdi or not. But the similarity I find here is that both Aylan Kurdi and the Gorkha child met with death. A dissimilarity here however is- Aylan Kurdi died not in his native country, Syria but while trying to migrate to Europe with his family. On the other hand, the Gorkha child who died in the second story, died as a migrant in his own country, the country where he was born and brought up. Another evident difference lies in the fact that Kurdi baby died while he was in the company of his parents while the Gorkha child died in wait for his parents, who never ever returned. None could tell the fate of his parents; whether they were killed in the coal mine as many others were.

These stories may create confusion initially but, a deep insight into it definitely brings the relevance of the argument in progress. The argument on this series was started on the backdrop of the recent crisis among Gorkhas in Manipur created by the three controversial bill passed in Manipur Legislative Assembly (MLA). The bills passed in MLA are pro-indigenous people. The Inner Line Permit (ILP) [the details of which will be dealt in depth in forthcoming series] which is related to the Bills seek to protect the socio-economic status of locals from unwanted encroachment from the non-locals. The ILP, however has caused a sense of phobia among the Gorkhas in the region. But my point is- Why do the Gorkhas need to feel threatened by it; after all they are to be one of the stakeholders of these bills as they are indigenous community whose history smells the centuries old sweat that poured by their ancestors in Manipuri soil. So why the Gorkhas in the state has to panic over these bills, rather they have to be triumphant as to be protected.

Should the community which has a history older than 200 years in Manipur; the community which also settled with the formal approval from Manipuri King Maharaja Gambhir Singh, much before the state became a federal unit of present India; the community who protected Monarchical Manipur from the invasion of Burmese intruders and troops; the community of the descendant of ‘Victoria Paltan’, later the community who were given grazing permit by British colonial administration in the state be scared after the recent bills passed by their native state assembly?

Should the community for whom a long reserve area, in between Sekmai and Kangpokpi in 1915 and partially extending it later to include Maram, Siddim Pukhri and lrang Part I & II (under No. 2 Para V. Durbar Resolution 1, dated 17 February 1915) was created during the period of First World War be panic over ILP? Should the community members who study the Meiteilon throughout childhood, the community members who can speak Meiteilon, Kuki, Hmar many more other better than Nepali, live with Naga friends recite Ougri Sheireng, listen to Khamba Thoibi with awe, enjoy the colours of Yaoshang, celebrate Lai Haraoba with equal enthusiasm, and cannot live without eromba, ngathongba and ooti as daily staple be feared of bills which tend to protect people living in Manipur since history? Ordinary answer may arise here is NO. So, on what ground the Gorkhas in Manipur who claim to be the descendants of such deep history in the state as well as stakeholder of socio-cultural synthesis are feeling the crisis of existence after three bills were passed in MLA and got afloat in political circle in Manipur? What is validity of psycho-phobia and anxiety among Gorkhas in Manipur after the said issue? To substantiate the argument in this regard, I have furnished few very recent cases those took place against Gorkhas (leading to their insecurity) in country in Part-I of this series. The subsequent series will try to probe into this pertinent issue of the Gorkhas with the history of anti-Gorkha policy in the country; how the community was attacked and deliberately tried to evict in the name of ‘foreigners’, ‘outsiders’, ‘social burden’ etc. All these and much more will be excavated in part-III.

ALSO READ Gorkhas So far...: The No Land’s Wo/men in India (Part-I)



Manipuri Gorkha: Why Are We Outsiders?

1:32 PM
By Dinesh Sharma, Founder Member, Gorkha Youth And Students Association

A Manipuri lays claim to both his Manipuri and Gorkha identity, showing us how simple and complicated that can be. As one of Manipur’s ongoing flashpoints, lessons from history beg the question – are Gorkhas valorised in wars and dismissed in peace?

I am a fourth generation Gorkha settled in Manipur, who grew up listening to grandmother’s stories of Japanese drones and of our grandfathers fighting to protect the land, alongside the rulers’ armies. Are these tales any different from the stories of a Meitei, a Naga, or a Kuki child? Yet,I am a confused person today. The approximately sixty thousand strong Gorkha community is facing de-recognition and possible eviction from the state of Manipur. We stand accused as encroachers and a threat to the social fabric of the state. This despite, a history dating back almost two hundred years in Manipur.
Manipuri Gorkha: Why Are We Outsiders?
Manipuri
Exactly a century ago, in 1915, an important artery in Jiribam in Northern Manipur was better known as Man Bahadur Limbu Road. How did this come to be? The book, The Role of Gorkhas in Making of Modern India tells us that the Gorkha first arrived in Manipur during Maharaja Gambhir Singh’s reign in 1824. Recruiting Gorkhas from Sylhet in 1825, the king called this unit Victoria Paltan. This was done to secure Manipur from Burmese troop intrusions. The Gorkhas of 16 Sylhet Local Battalion, (Later-8 Gorkha Rifles), were included in the Police Levy of Manipur. Later when the British arrived, Gorkha settlers were given grazing grounds in the northern part of the state and issued land ownership documents or pattas. Infact before the beginning of the twentieth century, the Gorkha/Nepali Gwalla (cowherd community) lived in the Manipur valley. But since the Meitei community were not major users of milk or ghee and land was becoming scarce in the valley, the government decided to shift the populace to the northern parts. Creating an 18 mile long Gorkha/Nepali reserve, in between Sekmai and Kangpokpi in 1915 and partially extending it later to include Maram, Siddim Pukhri and lrang Part I & II. The Manipur State Administrative Report 1915-16 in Chapter V confirms this. (Do check No. 2 Para V. Durbar Resolution 1, dated 17 February 1915). So besides the military settlers, there were cow herds who lived in a 140 sq. mile area until 1915.

A century later, we stand at less than 1 lakh, as a population in Manipur. When political groups target us today, they say that Gorkha contribution to the land is zilch. This when, eminent scholars like M K Binodini, from the royal family of Manipur confirm that the Gorkha has long been part of the Manipuri cultural milieu. In the journal Netee, published by Manipur Nepali Sahitya Parishad (2006) she writes in a piece called A Yaipha Paojel,‘At the time of my father Maharaja Churachand, when he was driven on the Dimapur road, I still remember the joyous welcome and applause accorded by the Nepalese children near the road and I saw many Nepali personnel in the post of high rank and file of the Manipur State Police.’ Have they also forgotten the early Gorkha martyr, Major Subedar Niranjan Singh Chhetry, hanged alongside Bir Tikendrajit and General Thangal by the British on August 13, 1891? Or that 4 Assam Rifles was raised in Manipur in 1915 with over eighty percent Gorkha personnel. 1 Manipur Rifles, raised in 1946 too inducted a large number of Gorkhas. Walk around the family quarters of the battalion in 2015 and one might find several Gorkha families even today.

Yet, when World War II reached Kanglatongbi-Kangpokpi, the Gorkha community was evicted by the government of the day. Many left and came back to their land when the war was over. But the Gorkha/Nepali Reserve had been entirely seized during the period of 26 August – 1 December 1946. Those who failed to comply with the government order or returned late had to seek refuge with their neighbours. Is this why we are accused of being foreigners, when it is also possible to see us as a victim of historical circumstance? In my own case, I have studied Meiteilon throughout my childhood, I can speak Kuki, and have lived with a Naga friend for roughly seven years of my life. As a peaceful community, we have recited Ougri Sheireng, listened to Khamba-Thoibi with awe, enjoyed the colours of Yaoshang, celebrated Lai Haraoba with equal enthusiasm, and cannot live without eromba, nga-thongba and ooti as our daily staple.

Today Manipuri-Gorkha youth can be found in the Indian armed forces as well as across Indian metros. While feeling the outrage over incidents of discrimination against Manipuris in Delhi and other cities, can I really turn a blind eye to the same in my motherland? In the city, we don’t see each other as Meitei, Naga, Kuki, Gorkha, Bengali, Bihari or Marwari. Although if someone asks me, I proudly call myself a Manipuri Gorkha. Yet here no one accuses anyone of stealing opportunities or ancestral land. We share rooms to save money, lend and borrow when we are broke. Cooking, sharing pizzas and drinks together, we wait for each other to walk back home after office. Laughing at each other’s jokes, we continue to fall in love, marry and live happily, but we rarely speak of our problems back home. Why? Because it divides and we don’t always know how to deal with the indifference back in our homeland.

An indifference which showed clearly from 1977-1983, when close to one lakh Gorkha were forced to leave the North East. The current demand of a separate Gorkhaland has its roots in such displacement. It is also fueled by a sense of abandonment by the government of India, our state and community leaders. Yes, we have rallied across the streets of Manipur during the Nepali Bhasha Andolan, one in tune with those in Assam, Sikkim, Darjeeling, Meghalaya, Dehradun or Himachal. Bhasha Divas still remains one of the biggest Gorkha social gatherings in Manipur. Yes, we still travel all the way from Manipur to Darjeeling or Delhi,as an expression of national solidarity for Gorkhaland. Often a few organizations come to Manipur during their membership drive and leave after collecting the fee. We continue to donate for every Gorkha cause, be it for unveiling Saheed Durga Malla’s statue in the parliament, or for the landslide affected in Darjeeling. Yet, who speaks for us today?

In the current ILP(Inner Line Permit) imbroglio in Manipur, the proposed bill sets the 1951 Census, as cut-off date for identifying the Gorkha population. Knowing fully well that a majority living in far flung corners were possibly left out of the 1951 Census. What is even more disheartening is the silence of Gorkha community leaders from across the country. As if we are second class citizens. Like a headless chicken, we ask to be included and understood again and again and again. George Orwell wrote in his classic Animal Farm,‘All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others.’ Perhaps this is an adequate reflection of the status of Manipur’s Gorkha community currently.

source- ourstories.org.in

Gorkhas So far...: The No Land’s Wo/men in India (Part-I)

6:58 PM
Writes Tikendra Kumar Chhetry for Indian Gorkhas
Department of Peace and Conflict Studies
Sikkim University

Since few days there have been reports of fear and psycho-phobia of uncertainty of existence among Gorkhas in Manipur. Since the day three bills passed in Manipur Legislative Assembly (MLA), Gorkhas of the state are in constant fear and uncertainty. There are reports that community leaders from the state are approaching to state Government of Manipur and the Government of India (GoI) to make governments aware of the impact of bills on the Gorkha community in the state. So far, Bimal Gurung, Chief of Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA) leading a delegation has already met the Minister of State (MoS) Home Affairs, and other ministers of GoI to brief about the matter that pertains to the Gorkha community in Manipur. Similarly there is huge mobility among Gorkha leaders in Assam in regards the issue. Moreover the leaders from the community appeal all Gorkha organizations across the country to support the community of Manipur at this situation.
Gorkhas So far...: The No Land’s Wo/men in India
North-East India
There is definitely a space for the curiosity that what do these bills contain which generate fear of insecurity to existence among the Gorkha community members in Manipur. These three bills passed in the MLA are “Revenue and Land Reform (seventh amendment) Bill 2015”, “Manipur Shops (second amendment) Bill 2015” and the “Protection of Manipur Peoples Bill 2015”.  Among these three bills the third one mentioned here is creating a lot panic among the Gorkhas living in the state. Now question may arise here that why the Gorkhas of Manipur are feared of this bill when they claim that they are historic community living since centuries, since the monarchial days of the state. Should the community which produces evidences of their historic presence in the state, even with one of the historic King’s authorization since centuries back be scared of such bill rather which defends the existence of people living in the state? Possible answer which may arise here is NO. Because the community which talks about the evidential proof of its historic root of existence should not be scared of the provision of the bill as it inherit the interest of bona-fide people of the state. But the cases and situations with Gorkhas in India are always much different. When the question of the existence of Gorkha community arise in any corner of the country, the historical evidences, constitutional rights, realities of the past get other twist juxtapose to irrelevant. There is deep history of the existence of Gorkha community in the country which is more or less, so far, not unknown to most of local, state and central administrations in India but such facts are often deliberately ignored. When the issue of constitutional rights for Gorkhas, the bona fide citizens of the country floats on the political surface, community members are often reduced to be ‘outsiders’, ‘foreigners’, anti-national etc.., Hence, in this regards, the fear of uncertainty to existence that the Gorkhas of Manipur are raising now takes delivery of significance.

The bill mentioned here passed in MLA determines the year 1951 as the benchmark year to find out the indigenous and Non-ingenious people in Manipur. Good to hear. But will the Gorkha community of Manipur be recognized as indigenous despite they produce authentic history of their existence in the state? The stories of suppression and eviction of Gorkhas in India, particularly in Northeast in the past may not allow answering YES. Throughout the history of post colonial India, Gorkhas are labeled, tagged as ‘encroachers’, ‘outsiders’, ‘foreigners’ or to say all such tags which may reduce them to non-Indian who dwell illegally in this country. In doing so, not only the non-state or anti-state elements but also most often, the people in power in administration try to contribute equally in this respect. Let us not got much past to substantiate argument here, portrayal of few recent happenings may bring the possible calculation that in what status the Gorkhas in India, particularly in this region are accounted for.

It was the month of May, 2013, National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB), an extremist outfit in Assam issued a notice addressing Gorkha community living in Chirang and Kokrajhar district of Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC), Assam. The notice of the outfit groups read that ‘all Nepali speakers living in Bodo dominated areas should pay Rupees ten lakhs to the outfit group per household at par as a text levied on foreign nationals for the corresponding year’. The notice had warned that failure in making payment may cause forceful eviction following an extreme action against all Nepali speakers from the region right after ten days of the commencement of circulation of notice. A person named Kul Bahadur Giri was shot a public when he failed to pay the amount of money that was fixed by extremist outfit in Chirang district.

On August 8, 2013, a Sub-Divisional Officer (SDO) of Kalimpong sub-division of Darjeeling District in West Bengal advised his Chief Minister of state to selectively strike off the name of a section of Gorkha population from the voters’ lists. He advised that Non-Indian Nepali speaking population living in Siliguri (including Dooars and Terai), Kalimpong, Kurseong and finally Darjeeling should be patiently and selectively identified on basis of Census of 1931 to send them back to Nepal to cause a natural death of Gorkhaland demand. In advising Chief Minister he undermines the history of region that how it turn from a historic frontier to present space in country and, bares the legitimacy of nationality of the bona fide citizens. He advises to instrumentalize the governmentality tool to negate the nationality of citizens who exist in post colonial space of country. Moreover, one of minister from the then west Bengal ministry brought his slogan of ‘Gorkhas Go Nepal, Go China, vacate West Bengal’, against which so far, no action has been taken.

Similarly, “notice to quit”, a warning with deadline was released by a Meghalaya based banned underground outfit Hynniewtrep National Liberation Council (HMLC) against the indigenous Gorkhas/Nepali speakers living in Meghalaya. The report on “Shillong times” dated April 17, 2014 reads, “…The banned Hynniewtrep National Liberation Council (HNLC) has asked people from the Nepali speaking community to quit from the entire districts of Khasi and Jaintia Hills, and especially from Langpih, with immediate effect, on the ground that “the illegal Nepali foreign settlers in Langpih. These were recent instances but not new in nature to put in example for, how the stereotype of Foreigner-ness have been the source for disapproval to Indian nationality  and threat of eviction to Gorkha community in North eastern region repeatedly.

The Gorkha community even in Sikkim, where the community is considered to be majority raised displeasure in this regards. A political upheaval in Sikkim was noticeable during the Months of July and August in 2013. The federal unit which is popularly branded as the most peaceful state in violence torn Northeastern region had witnessed episodic mobilization through rallies, meetings, other sorts agitations (peaceful in nature) led by various socio-political organizations. The language used in petition that was filed in Supreme by an association of minority business community had caused feeling of disgrace among indigenous population of state, particularly among the Gorkhas/Nepalis and, hence there were agitations against it. The association which claims to represent the settler business community residing in Sikkim for generation since long before the amalgamation of state in present India in 1975 and  allegedly tagged Gorkhas/Nepalis as ‘foreigners’ in its petition.

As this has been mentioned above, there is validity in fear of threat to existence among Manipuri Gorkhas in relation to the bill being discussed. They also share and experience similar allegation, stereotype and recurrent suppressions on Gorkhas in region. As it was quoted in a report in Sikkim Express, a Gangtok based daily, dated September 5, 2015, the minority Gorkhas in Manipur (population around fifty to sixty thousands) are often considered as ‘outsiders’, non-Manipuris sidelining all the historicity of their existence. In such situation(s), how the Gorkha of Manipur may convince themselves that their indigenousness will be protected. How they may rely on this bill that, it will respect the history which reads their existence in the state. Not only the history of much past, will this bill, if it gets approval of governor of the state respect the provisions of all existing laws (Internal treaties, bilateral relation with neighbouring countries) of India which defends bona-fide citizenship rights of Gorkhas in the country? Let us wait and see with the passing time(s), till now; the bill is still awaiting the consent/approval of the Governor, the agent of GoI in Manipur. Only time may say that how long Gorkhas will have to be No Land’s Wo/men in India.

Sikkim unit of GJM condemned Inner Line Permit (ILP) bill in Manipur

11:19 AM
The Sikkim unit of Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) has condemned the Inner Line Permit (ILP) bill passed by the Manipur Assembly recently that has spread fear among the Gorkhas settled there for generations.
Sikkim unit of GJM condemned Inner Line Permit (ILP) bill in Manipur
We condemn the conspiracy to evict Gorkhas from Manipur and urge every Gorkha organization spread across the nation to protest against it, said the Sikkim GJM in a press statement today.

The Sikkim GJM also welcomed the support extended by Sikkim Chief Minister Pawan Chamling and GTA chief executive Bimal Gurung towards the Gorkha community of Manipur. We urge the Centre to give justice to the Gorkhas of Manipur, said the Sikkim GJM.

“Gorkhas have toiled hard to develop Manipur and now they are being labeled as ‘foreigners’. This is against the Indian Constitution and undermines the contribution of Indian Gorkhas for the nation. The Union government should take immediate steps on this,” said Sikkim GJM president Dependra Dewan in the press statement.

Source - nelive
 
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