Showing posts with label Politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Politics. Show all posts

Dr Subramanian Swamy Calls for Formation of Gorkhaland Union Territory

10:38 AM
Dr Swamy Calls for Formation of Gorkhaland Union Territory

BJP Rajya Sabha MP Dr Subramanian Swamy has called for BJP to fulfill their promise, and to keep Gorkhaland as number one priority.

He tweeted, "Time for the BJP to start looking at our 2014-to date the party’s organisational culture. In many. States we had made promises we could not keep. Gorkhaland is top priority. Must make it a Union Territory as promised.'
Subramanian Swamy Calls for Formation of Gorkhaland Union Territory

One of the readers Vishal Singh questioned  "Sir its neccessary to make gorkhaland????" (sic)

He responded with, "We should not have promised and got elected BJP MPs from Darjeeling."

Another reader, Zaid Ahemad asked, "Sir , If BJP makes Gorkhaland then whatever it has in Bengal will vanish !" (sic)

Dr Swamy wrote, "Gorkhaland is not being given to Pakistan. It will be still part of India like Bengal."

Raju Bista reminds Narendra Modi of Permanent Political Solution and other issue of the region

7:31 PM
JUST IN: MP RAJU BISTA MEETS WITH PM MODI TO DISCUSS VARIOUS ISSUES OF THE REGION

Darjeeling MP Raju Bista today met with Prime Minister Narendra Modi to discuss various issues concerning Darjeeling, Terai, and Dooars.
Raju Bista reminds Narendra Modi of Permanent Political Solution and other issue of the region

Here is the full press release from the Office of MP:

Today, I met Hon’ble Prime Minister Narendra Modi ji to discuss various issues concerning Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars. I thanked him for his continued guidance and unflinching support he has extended to me over the years.

I informed him about the immense love and trust people of our region, and North Bengal have towards his leadership, and told him how the people of Darjeeling LS Constituency had elected a BJP Member of Parliament for the 3rd consecutive time. I told him about how people in Bengal need BJP to get rid of TMC and their oppressive regime in the 2021 elections.

Among other things, we discussed my learnings and observations about the region and the challenges I have faced as the Member of Parliament representing one of the most prestigious seats in Eastern India.

I informed Modi ji about the sensitive Chicken Neck region and the significance of Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars from our national security perspective. I also informed him about the discrimination people here have had to face over the decades, and the absolute lack of development in the region. I apprised him about the potential of our region to become one of the most peaceful and prosperous in the nation.

In order to ensure long term peace and ushering in prosperity in the region, I have requested his intervention with regards to arriving at Permanent Political Solution as committed to in our 2019 Sankalp Patra. I also reminded him about the pending ST issue of 11 left-out Gorkha tribes and requested him to help expedite the process.

Given that majority of our people are dependent on Tea and Cinchona plantations for their livelihood, I appraised him about the rapidly declining tea industry and the need to rejuvenate the entire industry. I also requested him to ensure the protection of forest dwellers, and the culture, traditions, lifestyle, and language of indigenous communities from our region.

I informed Modi ji how Siliguri acts as a gateway to North East India and South East Asia and drew his attention to the immense potential of Siliguri to emerge as the hub of international trade, tourism and commerce. I informed Modi ji how decades of neglect have left the districts of Darjeeling, Kalimpong, Chopra and rest of North Bengal deprived of basic infrastructure and amenities; and requested for his help to transform our region.

Modi ji acknowledged the importance of peace prevailing in the Chicken Neck region and told me that the Government is equally concerned about resolving the issues of the region. On his advice, I will be taking up these issues with Hon’ble Home Minister Amit Shah ji soon.

Gorkhaland, a demand whose time has come

5:12 PM
Gorkhaland, a demand whose time has come: Demand of the sons of the soil and the myths that tarnish the movement

When Jamyang Tsering Namgyal of Ladakh gave one of the most passionate, factual and heart-breaking accounts of how Article 370 had kept the people of Ladakh deprived, discriminated against and treated as a second class citizens, he forced people across India and the world to take note. Far away from Ladakh from where he belongs, or Delhi where he was giving his speech, people in the Eastern Himalayan region of Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars were glued onto their TVs. For us here in Darjeeling region, Jamyang wasn’t just describing the pathos of Ladakh, he was resonating each and every sentiment that we the people aspiring for Gorkhaland statehood have felt and lived through in West Bengal.
Gorkhaland
Gorkhaland 

‘Gorkhaland’ the very name evokes strong sentiments – from a motley crew of passionate supporters to very dedicated gang of opposers, to a vast majority of well-meaning but clueless neutrals who irrespective of their understanding of the issue or absolute lack of it, comment on it passionately.

Trying to explain the nuances of the demand for a ‘Gorkhaland state’ individually is very difficult, which is why it is imperative to explain the finer details of Gorkhaland demand in detail.

I am basing this article on a Q and A format so that everyone reading the article will find it easy to understand the issue in depth.

Everyday Identity Blues:

Curious stranger: Hi! You look a little strange…Where are you from? Nepal?

Me: India

Curious stranger: Let me guess… North East

Me: Darjeeling

Curious stranger: Oh! It’s in Nepal no?

Me: No, it’s in West Bengal

Curious stranger: Nice! So you are a Bong? Do you speak Bengali?

Me: No, I am a Gorkha, and our lingua franca is Nepali.

Curious stranger: Huh! So you immigrated to India?

Me: No, I was born here

Curious stranger: When did your family come to India?

Me: We didn’t immigrate, we came with the land. We are indigenous to the land.

Curious stranger: Like… seriously?

Me: Yeah! Like very very seriously.

On and on, every day we the Gorkhas have to face one set or other of these series of questions. Our children and youth who have to leave home for study and work grow up with this “crisis of identity” where we have to assert and reassert our Indian-ness day in and day out.

In the plainest of terms, the demand for Gorkhaland state is an attempt on the part of people from Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars to do away with this “crisis of identity” that Gorkhas across India have and have had to face and to assert our Indian Identity. So when Jamyang spoke of the people of Ladakh wanting to become Indian for over 70-years, we here in Darjeeling absolutely understood what he meant. He was, in more ways than he knew to narrate our plight.

I hope the following series of Q and A will help many of you understand the demand and its implications.

Is ‘Gorkhaland’ a demand for separation from India?

Foremost, let us all be clear about one thing – the demand for Gorkhaland is not a demand for separation from India. It is a demand for the formation of a separate state within the constitutional and geographical contours of India. Much like how Jharkhand, Uttarakhand, Chattisgarh, Telangana were formed, people living in Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars have been demanding the formation of a separate state called Gorkhaland, away from West Bengal.

What areas are being demanded as Gorkhaland?

The aspired Gorkhaland region comprises of the districts of Darjeeling, Kalimpong, and parts of Alipurduars and Jalpaiguri.

Is there any historical context to these particular areas being demanded as Gorkhaland?

The History of Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars is distinguished by one peculiar aspect – it has always been in a state of flux. Given its geostrategic location, this region was a hotly contested landmass between Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim, and Tibet. For centuries the dominant kingdom among these four took control of this region.

From 1662 until 1777 this region was under the Kingdom of Sikkim; however, in 1777 Nepal Army had defeated the King of Sikkim and established their dominance in this region. In 1816 the British Army defeated the Nepal Army, after which they took over and handed over these lands to the King of Sikkim as a gesture of friendship.

In 1835 the Brits took these lands on lease from the King of Sikkim to establish a sanatorium but ended up establishing their military garrison here. By the year 1866, the British had annexed the present day of Kalimpong and Doors from Bhutan following the defeat of Bhutan in the Anglo-Bhutan war of 1865, they then added this newly annexed area to the existing Darjeeling district – which we today know as Darjeeling Hills, Terai and Dooars.

It is these areas that never shared any history with Bengal, which the people here are demanding to be formed into a state called Gorkhaland.

Who are Gorkhas in the Indian context?

The ‘Gorkhas’ in the Indian context are Indian citizens of Nepali ethnicity, who live across the length and breadth of India. The term ‘Gorkha’ in the Indian context is used to differentiate the Indian citizens of Nepali ethnicity from the citizens of Nepal, who prefer to be called ‘Nepalese.’

Did the Gorkhas immigrate to India?

Majority of the people who identify themselves as ‘Gorkhas’ in India are sons and daughters of the soil, and their forefathers ‘came with the land.’ They did not immigrate to India. However, it is well recognized that there are many immigrants from Nepal, who have also settled in India, post-independence.

What do you mean by ‘came with the land’?

The Nepali kingdom in the 17th and 18th Century was spread all over the Himalayas. In the year 1777, Nepal had appropriated the Kingdoms of Sikkim, Kumaon, Garhwal and Kangra. However, following the Anglo-Nepal war of 1814-1816, Nepal agreed to cede most of the Terai region, the lands of Sikkim, Kumaon, Garhwal and Kangra to the British through the Treaty of Sugauli (Sugauli Sandhi), which was signed on 4 March 1816. After the Anglo-British war of 1865, the British appropriated the lands that are today known as Kalimpong and Dooars. Therefore, all the people of Nepali, Sikkimese, Tibetan and Bhutanese origin who were living in these tracts automatically came under the British and subsequently under India (after the British left), hence the term – ‘came with the land.’

Were there ‘Gorkhas’ in Darjeeling region prior to the British coming to India?

Recorded history shows that the region was inhabited as early as the 9th century. When Guru Padmasambhava had passed through this region in the 9th century, he had established Buddhism in the region – which indicates the presence of people living in the areaway, before the British ever landed in Asia.

In the Indian context, the word ‘Gorkha’ is an umbrella term used to identify a varied group of people, as one unified entity. In terms of Darjeeling communities such as the Róng – Lepchas, the Tsong – Limbus, the Kirat – Rai, the Dukpas, the Bhutias and the Magars are the aboriginal/ethnic/native people of the region, who constitute a large chunk of the ‘Gorkha’ people living in the Darjeeling region. Hence, it can be safely said that the majority of the ‘Gorkhas,’ who belong to these communities and are living in Darjeeling, ethnic to the region.

In addition, other groups of people such as the Gurungs, Thapas, Chettris, Newars, Sunwars, Bahuns, Kamis, Damais, Sarkis, Bhutias, Thamis etc, traversed these lands for trade or settled here following wars. For instance, the establishment of the Kingdom of Sikkim in 1642 brought in a large Bhutia population from Tibet and Bhutan into the region. Similarly, the Nepali incursions starting from as early as the 1700s brought many present-day Nepalis to the region.

While kingdoms changed, the people remained.

Over centuries the people from this region could be broadly categorized as – Nepali, Bhutia, Lepcha, Dukpa, Tsong, Rai, Magar of the hills, and Nepali, Dukpa, Koche (Rajbanshi), Meche, Rabha, and Toto of the plains.

Later Adivasis were brought in from Chota-Nagpur plateau to work in the tea gardens of Dooars, then Bengalis and another mainland Indians gradually came and settled in the region.

Around the 1890s the dominant Nepali-Bhutia-Lepcha groups subsumed the rest of the hill tribes into their fold and a unified identity “NeBuLa” was used to define the hill people. In Darjeeling, this gradually metamorphosed into the term “Gorkha”.

Hence, one can safely concur that the ‘Gorkha’ presence far supersedes the British arrival in the region.

It is important to note that today, the term ‘Gorkha’ is used to indicate people who are from this region – which today includes everyone from Bengali Gorkha, Bihari Gorkha to Marwari Gorkha etc.

When was the demand for Gorkhaland first raised?

The first demand for a separate administrative unit for the Darjeeling-Dooars region (a la Separate State in today’s term) was first raised by the Hillmen’s Association in 1907, making the demand for a separate state constituting the Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars region the oldest demand for statehood in India.

Why did the British not entertain this demand?

The only reason as to why such a demand was not entertained by the then British Government is because the Darjeeling and Dooars region was a highly contested geographical region which they had taken on lease from Sikkim and Bhutan. The British had declared our region to be a “non-regulated area”, which meant that the rules and laws developed for the rest of India would not be automatically applied to the region.

What historical claims does West Bengal have over the Darjeeling-Dooars region?

Ironically None! There is no shared history between the Darjeeling-Dooars region and the rest of West Bengal.

Historically, the district of Darjeeling never formed a part of Bengal and no King who ruled the plains of Bengal ever had any suzerainty over those areas. Ethnologically, the Mongoloid and semi-Mongoloid races inhabiting the Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars have more affinity with the Hill tribes of Assam than with the people in the plains of Bengal. Geographically the district of Darjeeling, Kalimpong, Alipurduar, Jalpaiguri and Cooch Behar are completely cut off and distinctly different from the rest of West Bengal. Linguistically, the people residing in this region have a greater affinity with Hindi, the Lingua Franca of India, than with the state language Bengali

Why is Darjeeling a part of West Bengal?

Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars were forcefully included into West Bengal without any consultation with the local populace using two flimsy acts enacted by WB Legislative Assembly:

The Requisitioned Land (Apportionment of Compensation) Act, 1949 (51 of 1949). Darjeeling District – transformed to the Absorbed Areas(Laws) Act, 1954.

The West Bengal Raw Jute Futures Act, 1948 (West Bengal Act No. 25 of 1948)

Why are people in Darjeeling demanding Gorkhaland?

The demand for a separate administrative unit (a separate state in today’s term) for the Darjeeling region had started as early as 1907. However, the influx of Bangladeshi refugees starting in 1965 and later state-sponsored illegal immigrants from Bangladesh post-1971 for vote bank by subsequent West Bengal governments led to the marginalization of the ethnic Gorkha, Kamtapuri and the Adivasi communities of the region. The demand for Gorkhaland is a demand to protect the identity, culture, history, traditions and the rich bond of people from the Darjeeling region, which they share with their land.

Furthermore, the Gorkhas from the Darjeeling region have continued to be labelled by the fascist and state-sponsored Bengali organizations such as Bangla O Bangla Bhasa Bachao Samity, Amra Bangali, Jan Jagaran Morcha, Jan Chetna Morcha as illegal immigrants and the demand for Gorkhaland illegal. They have rendered the ethnic Gorkha people as an intruder in his/her own ancestral lands. This has caused widespread socio-economic and political marginalization of the Gorkhas. All these factors have resulted in the Gorkhas being under-represented, stereotyped and communally discriminated in almost all sectors.

Moreover, Bengal has always been colonial in its approach to this region. The large revenues collected from the Darjeeling region have been used to develop other parts of Bengal while neglecting even the basic infrastructure in the region.

Case in point: Since the year 2002, over 3000 malnutrition-related death (death due to starvation) have been reported from the tea gardens of this region and yet the West Bengal government has not taken any steps to alleviate the sufferings of the people in the region. Instead, they have continued to deny the tea garden workers minimum wages.

Is the proposed Gorkhaland region economically viable?

The proposed Gorkhaland region is rich in bio-diversity, scenic views, hydro potentials, tourism, NTFP, Tea and numerous other resources, making this a resource-abundant region.

Currently, the aspired Gorkhaland region contributes to the least 20-23% of the total revenue collected in West Bengal. Even the most conservative estimates put the revenue potential from tea, tourism and hydro from the proposed Gorkhaland area at over 20,000 Crores per annum. In return, West Bengal only spends around Rs 5000 crores in the region annually (including salary paid to Govt officials). Thus, draining off a large portion of the revenue collected from the region.

It is estimated that the revenues from Tea and Tourism alone will make the proposed Gorkhaland region a revenue surplus state.

The revenues collected from hydro development, NTFP, cross-border trades and other resources will make the proposed state of Gorkhaland as one of the most economically vibrant states in India.

What is Chicken Neck region and how will Gorkhaland impact the National Security or our nation?

Darjeeling district is home to the proverbial “chicken neck” region, a roughly 200-km stretch which borders four nations — Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Tibet — in distances varying from 25 kms to 60 kms. It has seen a large-scale influx of illegal migrants from Bangladesh, which started as a trickle in 1965 and turned into a gushing torrent post the 1971 Indo-Pakistan war, that lead to the creation of Bangladesh.

The ‘Siliguri Corridor’ has today become one of the most porous border regions in the world, and Pakistan’s ISI has used this to operate its agents freely. In fact, in 2002, the writer Pinaki Bhattacharya had highlighted how the ISI was using the ‘Siliguri Corridor’ as a supply route to provide arms and ammunition via Bangladesh to insurgents in the North East. Following investigations into the Burdwan bomb blast, in May 2015, the National Investigating Agency released a report that explained how Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) had networks in West Bengal and lower districts of Assam, and that JMB had been using West Bengal as a safe sanctuary.

Given all this, if there is one state in India which is actually a safe haven for terrorists, it is West Bengal, and if the state government was capable of addressing national security concerns, it would have done so a long time ago. The presence of ISI modules and terrorists of the various ilk in Bengal actually prove that the state government in Bengal isn’t able to protect the vulnerable “chicken neck” area.

One possible reason for this could be that the state capital and its power centre, Kolkata, is located too far away from the region, because of which the state administration isn’t able to focus much on the north Bengal districts.

A state of Gorkhaland, including the hills of Darjeeling, Terai and Dooars, would, therefore, help ensure better safety and security for the “chicken neck” area. Smaller states are also easier to govern and the presence of the entire state machinery being in one region would help keep close tabs on infiltrators, unlike what is possible out of Kolkata.

Why is West Bengal opposed to the formation of Gorkhaland?

The state of West Bengal is one of the most economically backward states in India. Even though it is the 5th largest in terms of its size, but due to the high debt burden of over Rs. 4.35 lakh Crores, West Bengal is practically bankrupt and is highly dependent on the Central Government and the revenues generated from the proposed Gorkhaland region for its sustenance and economic survival.

So despite all the rhetoric stating, “Darjeeling is Bengal’s Abhinno Aanga,” Bengal is scared of losing its hen, which is currently laying the golden eggs. It is scared of losing the cash cow that has continued to discount the development of Bengal’s other regions over and over since independence.

Further, Bengal has always held a parochial, colonial and discriminatory attitude towards the proposed Gorkhaland region and continues to do so. Every time the Gorkhas have demanded justice or our rights, we are labelled as intruder, terrorists, and foreigners in our own land.

Hence the urgent need for Gorkhaland state to be formed.

We are hopeful that someday soon, our Member of Parliament from Darjeeling will also be able to speak with the same passion and emotion that Jamyang Tsering Namgyal did and tell the nation how the formation of Gorkhaland state or Union Territory will benefit mother India.

** This article was written by Mr Upendra Mani Pradhan, a Darjeeling-based Political Analyst [Twitter: @jorebungley] and co-authored by Dr Vimal Khawas, an Associate Professor in the Dept of Peace and Conflict Studies, Sikkim University [Twitter: @vimalkhawas]

[ Via: https://www.opindia.com/2019/08/gorkhaland-a-demand-whose-time-has-come-demand-of-the-sons-of-the-soil-and-the-myths-that-tarnish-the-movement/ ]

Mamata Banerjee's announcement to woo the hill voters

9:09 PM
TMC
Darjeeling: In a public meeting jointly held by Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM Binay Faction) and Trinamool Congress TMC Mamata Banerjee made some important announcements just 7 days before Darjeeling goes to vote. The meeting was attended by various Development Boards,  the Hill TMC and GJM (Binay Anit Faction).
Mamata Banerjee's announcement to woo the hill voters
Mamata Banerjee in Darjeeling 

Following are West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s announcement in chowk Bazar, Darjeeling today at the public meeting.

1.)  The compensation of the tea garden workers during 105 days strike (Rs 15000) to be given in terms of humanity after the election.

2.) The landright documents to be given to the resident of Tea Estate, Cinchona plantation , Muncipality and D.I. Fund areas.

3)  The national identity and Security  of the Gorkhas to be fulfilled.

4) Three MLS to be from GJM

5) resumption of registration of flats and private properties in Darjeeling Municipality Area.

Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has played her cards well, now the ball is on the other side of the court. With these announcements she has urged people to vote for Amar Singh Rai, Tronamool candidate from Darjeeling in the upcoming Lok Sabha Election.


Open Letter to Mr Amar Singh Rai, from an Ex- student

6:12 PM


Dear Amar Sir,

It's been a long time since we have been in touch and you probably won’t remember my name and face, even if I brought it here.
Unfortunately the situation in the hills is such that I cannot even do that. I cannot write this open letter with my real name and identity because the political party you are from and the party which has nominated you as their MP candidate don’t know what democracy is and how it works.
 The concept of Freedom of Speech is rocket science to them and they willfully ignore that it is my constitutional right. For that matter they don’t even know what Constitution is. So I apologise for bothering you anonymously.

But the questions I raise here, are genuine.

It’s been almost a decade that I passed out from College but had always carried the pride of being one of your students. Always looked upon you as a man of intellect, integrity and statesmanship. But now I FEEL LET DOWN.
Open Letter to Mr Amar Singh Rai, from an Ex- student.
Amar Singh Rai with Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee

In 2016, when your name was announced by the then GJMM as the MLA candidate from Darjeeling,it was a very exciting and proud moment for me, I still remember texting to almost all my Whatsapp contacts about you and asking them all to vote for you. Wrote articles and posts in social media in your  support, campaigned for you in my locality and to my relatives. I did everything possible in my own little way  to make you win.

But now, I FEEL BETRAYED. Yes sir, you betrayed me and 10000s like me.
Why sir? Why?

I never expected your political ambition would one day make you choose the camp of traitors and band of enemies.  Never thought you would be so unscrupulous behind that polite, decent,well-mannered personality. Was that a farce or is what you show today one?

Anyway, let me stop this emotional rant and lay down what I am here to say. I have few questions for you sir. I don’t expect to you reply to me, because I am very aware that there’s no reply and even if the reply comes it would be nothing but lies and deceit mired in ambiguity.

Sir, I have noticed that you have been promising people in Tea Estates, Cinchona Garden and Forest Dwellers about their Land Rights. That reminded me of the GJMM Manifesto of 2016 (Of course I have shared that manifesto to 100s of people while campaigning for you) and the promises you made that time. My question is how many times have you raised the issue in Bidhan Sabha in past 2 years?

You are a very learned and knowledgeable person (at least that’s what I believed), especially about civic and political science. I don’t have to remind you that Land is the subject matter that comes under the State List of power distribution in our Constitution.

So, don’t you think you were/are in a perfect place as a MLA in state assembly to press for the demand of Land Rights for our people?
Where on earth did you get the idea of going to Delhi (Lok Sabha) for getting something that is in Kolkata (Bidhan Sabha)? I apologise if I sound disrespectful here but it seems to me you are losing your intellectuality by being in the company of liars and frauds. Or have you turned into one too?

Sir, the party and the leader that has nominated you for MP has been in power for the past 7 years in the state. They had every authority and capacity to grant Land Rights to our people but they never looked into that. How can you now stand along with them and tell our people that is what the party will provide for them?
Sir, why are you fooling us? The Chief Minister and her administrative and political dispensation’s policy towards us has always been that of a colonist, what makes you  think that she has changed her attitude toward us?

You talk about the welfare of Tea workers but do you know (off course you know) that one of the Tea Garden Owner who hasn’t paid blood and sweat money of 6 tea garden workers and abandoned thousands of them is from the same party you are a  candidate of and he still enjoys political protection from the leader whose ticket you are contesting on? Even you must know, she is a top class hypocrite. She talks about the welfare of tea workers, and yet she protects the people who subjugate them? And you have been speaking the same language in recent days. Why this hypocrisy sir? Why this sycophancy sir? 

By the way, there has been an allegation that your party compromised on the 5% of Bonus of the Tea workers, so that the tea garden owners would benefit?  Do you think such  people will work for the welfare of our Tea Workers?

Sir, do you remember what happened in 2017? Do you remember how they tried to impose their language upon us? Do you know how we had to bleed to oppose and safeguard our language? It’s the same power and people whom who you are trying to project today as a messiah.Why sir? The person and power who wanted to dilute our language, culture, identity is today talking about giving  us “identity” and you want us to believe that?? Why are you trying to fool yourself and us too sir??

And the most shocking, but now no more surprising was the statement you made day before in a press conference. “No, No, Gorkhaland is not in our Agenda”, well that was much anticipated. The day you joined Enemy of Jaati, you buried the Agenda of Gorkhaland. But the most upsetting is what you said after that. “Because we feel that there are other priorities, more important than Gorkhaland”, Really!! You got something more important than Gorkhaland?? What is that? You political ambition? Money? What is it?

No, don’t tell me about “development” thing.

Remember, I am your student and you cannot fool me with that “development” narrative. Please don’t even try to. I have seen the “development” of your leader, I know the definition of “development” of your political colleagues. And I know they know nothing about it.

You newfound leader has time and again categorically put “Bongo Vongo Hobena”. And you want us to believe that our identity issue will be solved without bifurcating the state??
Sir, are you the same Amar Singh Rai who taught us?? Do you even remember what your political thought, ideology and principle was?

Sir, a very important question to you. You were a political pundit and I do hope your Political anticipation capacity hasn’t eroded yet. Have you ever thought what the impression, effect of the so called Caste based “Development Boards” will be in the  coming census of 2021 when all will be asked to write their language based on their caste? Don’t you think the Nepali Language speaking (as per census) people will be reduced to a minority? And won't that lead to the removal of our language from 8th schedule of Indian Constitution? And won't that led to dilution and loss of our only constitutional guarantee? Now tell me who initiated such move to divide us and demean us and dilute our identity? Isn’t she the same person who you want us to believe will work for our identity?? 

Sir, I am disappointed. You have betrayed me. I cannot wish you the best in this election. Because you have joined the camp that enjoys killing us, have snatched our rights, burned our homes, threatens to rape our mothers and sisters. In the last 2 elections of yours, I supported you. Voted for you. Campaigned for you. But I am sorry sir, this election I will vote for my community. I will vote to safeguard my Jaati from enemies outside and within.
I don’t know who will win but I hope you don’t.

Thanking you.
A disappointed student of yours.

ELECTION 2019: NRC, the latest talking point

3:11 PM
Writes NN Ojha

BJP chief Amit Shah’s declaration in Alipurduar on 29 March that NRC will be implemented in West Bengal if BJP came to power has  ignited a debate about how NRC might impact people in Darjeeling hills. The debate has further intensified after Prime Minister Modi repeated his party chief’s statement during his public address in Jalpaiguri on 3 April. While doing so PM assured that the exercise will not harm the Gorkhas in any way. He however avoided saying if it would bring any benefits to the Gorkha. As expected TMC chief Mamta Banerjee took no time in countering the BJP leadership’s statements adding that NRC is a political ploy of BJP to cause dissensions in society and coupled with the Citizens Amendment Bill (CAB) 2016 the scheme makes their communal agenda clear.

In an polarised political atmosphere combined with soon to be held elections debates often tend to be reduced to canvassing and propaganda  for or against the parties in the fray.  The debate on NRC sparked off by Amit Shah and Narendra Modi is no exception.

Preparation, establishment and maintenance of a ‘National Register of Indian Citizens’ (NRC) is provided for in The Citizenship (Registration of Citizens and Issuing of National Identity Cards) Rules originally framed in 1956 as last amended in July 2003. Rule 3(1) of these rules mandates the Registrar General of Citizens Registration ‘to establish and maintain NRC for the whole of India’, not selectively for any particular state or UT

Two questions arise; one, if NRC is mandated for the whole of India why do Amit Shah or Narenfra Modi single out West Bengal for its introduction repeatedly and second, Is the NRC capable of yielding results as per its stated objectives. For examining both these questions we will have to look to the ongoing exercise on NRC in Assam.

In spite of applicability of NRC all over the country Assam is the only state to have had it introduced way back in 1951. The reasons for this exception are in Assam’s  peculiar historical background. The state has had problem of immigrants ever since it was ceded to the  British colonial rulers by the Burmese rulers in 1826.  Alarm bells were rung for the first time in 1931 when CS Mullen Superintendent of Census reported about ‘invasion by hordes of land-hungry immigrants on Assam in the last 25 years that could destroy the whole structure of Assamese culture and civilisation’. The problem  persisted even after independence with an added dimension of national security after the partition of India. As a result an Assam specific legislation, Immigrants (Expulsion from Assam) Act 1950 was passed by the Parliament and Assam became the very first state of India to have an NRC in 1951 for identification and expulsion of illegal immigrants as per the Act.

The exception made in case of Assam because of compulsions of history and law does not take away the fundamental point that as per existing law NRC’s applicability is for the whole of India and singling out west Bengal in particular on election eve is legally and politically improper. We will examine possible reasons for this intimidatory singling out of West Bengal little later. First let us see what has been our experience of Assam NRC in terms of results achieved.

The main objective of  NRC was to identify illegal immigrants  and expel them. Barely ten years after the first NRC the 1961 census found number of illegal immigrants in Assam  to be nearly 2.25 lakhs. In a white paper issued by the Home department of Assam the estimate shot up to five lakhs. In the draft NRC published under the ongoing updation currently underway nearly four millions claimants to citizenship have been excluded for want of certainty about their citizenship status. It is obvious NRC has not contained the influx of illegal migrants in the State even after six decades of its introduction in 1951.

Let us look at the other objective of expulsion of illegal migrants after they are identified as such following the NRC. In  February this year during the  hearing of current status of Assam NRC updation government of India submitted before the apex court that out of 52000 individuals identified as foreigners by the Tribunal set up under Foreigners Act of 1946 only 162 were deported. This is an irrefutable proof of the failure of NRC in curbing infiltration or expelling infiltrators. Interestingly it was also submitted by the government before the court that 27000 individuals attempting to cross over from the border into Assam were pushed back by our security forces. Quite obviously a vigorous security setup to guard the borders against infiltration is more effective than an elaborate and time and resource consuming exercise of NRC that till now has hardly resulted in anything but discord and disaffection in society and harassment and humiliation of our own citizens.

These being the results why the idea of NRC is being marketed so aggressively by BJP for Bengal? Obviously the motive appears political. When you see NRC in conjunction with BJP’s another brainchild the Citizenship Amendment Bill (CAB) 2016 the motive becomes crystal clear. CAB divides illegal immigrants into infiltrators liable to be expelled and refugees likely to be granted citizenship depending upon the faith they practise. Thus by combining the two BJP may expect to neutralise anti BJP vote of those liable to be expelled and  consolidate its hold on those likely to be granted citizenship. People in Assam and other North Eastern states see CAB as a counter measure to nullify the objectives of NRC and have risen in protest against what they term  BJP’s   duplicity.

How will NRC if introduced in Bengal impact people in Darjeeling region? We have PM  Modi simply saying this won’t harm the Gorkhas but choosing not to say that it would benefit them. Then we have Raju Bista saying NRC will benefit the Gorkha by making them more secure in their land without explaining how exactly. At the cutting edge level we have  BJP supporters canvassing relentlessly that if NRC comes ‘90% of the Bengali speaking people in terai and duars will be pushed back to Bangladesh’. I am not aware how they are sure of their figures or the end result. However they seem unaware of the perilous procedure fraught with long spells of harassment, humiliation and uncertainty for the common man irrespective of who is pushed back to another country and who is entitled to remain in the end. They are also unaware that if CAB comes - and it is sure to come if NRC comes, both being dependent on BJP’s return to power - then many among those our friends are expecting to be pushed back to Bangladesh may end up getting citizenship due to the faith they practise. Obviously the painstaking propaganda by some of our youngsters is either a command performance or due to ignorance about the procedure involved. My advise to them is to go through the Citizenship (Registration of citizens and issuing of National Identity cards) Rules of 1956 and their 22 amendments, the last one being of 7 July 2003 and be unbiased in their views.

It is true that no Gorkha can be liable for expulsion from India irrespective of whether or not there is NRC in Bengal. Even those who may be deemed to be citizens of Nepal and not India can remain under the Indo-Nepal treaty of 1950. To that extent the PM is right that NRC will not harm the Gorkhas but there is no additional benefit that it brings to the table for Gorkhas which the Gorkhas don’t have already. When you think of this status quo with or without NRC and take into account the harassment, humiliation, uncertainty and the enormous resources needed for the exercise it may appear to be futile and even counter productive. In Assam where just an updation exercise for an existing NRC is going on nearly 40000 workers (30000 regular government  employees and 10000 contract workers) are engaged in the task. Twenty different types of customised computer soft wares have been developed mostly through private sector at huge cost and over 2500 data digitisation hubs established for the purpose. Diversion of such huge resources for an exercise at the end of which you are getting ready with another law to grant citizenship to many who may be found to be illegal immigrants or if you are able to deport only 162 illegals out of 52000 identified definitely needs to be given a fresh look. If your motives are purely political for which you couldn’t care less for the resources or  the harassment common people are subjected to during the exercise then it is a different story.

I am not for a moment arguing that we need not have NRC and let India be a caravan serai for immigrants. What I am saying is do not use NRC as an electoral gimmick and if you have NRC at huge cost to the nation do not neutralise its gains by a counter statute like the CAB. My argument is also to see if the objectives of NRC could be fulfilled by having a robust border guarding system instead of the cumbersome and frightfully expensive procedures involved in NRC that also become unduly bothersome for the common man. My appeal to every one is not to mix up a legal issue that also has bearing on national security with petty politics and unfounded or exaggerated claims about its gains or pitfalls.

Via The DT

Darjeeling Lok Sabha Election 2019 and the Gorkhas

9:10 AM
TMC
Darjeeling Parliamentary Constituency Election 2019 and the Gorkhas: Some Observations

Writes: Dr Vimal Khawas

The Gorkhas of Darjeeling Hills, as initially decided, could not arrive at a common consensus candidate. Therefore, a total of sixteen (16) potential and aspiring candidates affiliated to various political parties as well as those desiring to contest as independent candidates have filed their nominations for the position of the Member of Parliament from Darjeeling Lok Sabha Constituency in the upcoming General Elections, 2019. Darjeeling Constituency is, perhaps, one of the most fiercely contested constituencies in the country today.


If we closely examine the current electoral landscape in the region, the pattern broadly looks as follows:

Clearly, chances of an independent candidate to emerge victoriously are slim to none, both because of their past political baggage and also due to the lack of their ability to create an adequate platform for grassroots mobilizations. Further, lesser political parties like, CPIM, BSP, IDRF, GRC and even national parties like INC may also not be able to wield much impact in the ensuing election due to both local and regional political dynamics.

Consequently, there are primarily two probable political scenarios to choose from before us for this election. Leaving aside political contenders highlighted above, the real fight is only between TMC (supported by GJMM2) and BJP (supported by GJMM1 and GNLF).

Scenario #1:

If we vote for TMC and make them victorious, there is a very high degree of probability that Mamata Banerjee would gradually grab the entire region under her fold. This election is just a gateway for Mamata and her party TMC to bigger political shares in the region via MLA and GTA elections, subsequently. The steady increase of TMC domination in the hills also means steady uprooting and waning of Gorkha identity and Gorkha political aspirations. They are inversely related to each other.

Under such a situation, in a decade or two, the entire notion of Gorkha and Gorkhaland may have been rendered irrelevant! We may be only referred to as a Thapa, a Chettri, a Bhujel, a Damai, a Rai, a Kami, a Sherpa, a Limbu, a Lepcha, a Bahun, a Dukpa, a Sarki, a Newar or Nepalis and many times immigrant Nepalis. We would, most probably, cease to be the Gorkhas. No one would have the guts to utter ‘Jai Gorkha’. We all may collectively and/or forcefully be made to chant ‘Jai Bangla’.

She is already on her way up the hills with a number of detrimental political cards. Her Development Board approach is one of the ways forward in this regard. She would never go for such appeasement politics had she loved the region and its people, to the extent of dividing the Gorkhas into ethnic lines. More importantly, TMC’s unscientific and draconic handling of the 2013 and 2017 Gorkhaland agitation/uprising is yet another critical example of how it perceives the Gorkhas and their long pending aspirations in the region.

Scenario #2:

If we vote for BJP and render them victorious, nothing may happen. The last 10 years were rather fruitless and going by that trend, the next five years may not bear fruit, either.BJP may be busy spreading its political and strategic tentacles across geographical spaces of the country with its Hindutva card. It may keep on struggling to take control of Bengal but without any notable results. BJP would not give us Gorkhaland! They have their state government in Assam. Has Bodoland been able to see the light of the day?

This MP would, in all likelihood remain a mere puppet within the larger framework and schemes of Bharatiya Janata Party!

However, the Gorkhas will have the freedom to shout ‘Jai Gorkha’ and ‘We want Gorkhaland’ under BJP unlike under TMC which is fundamentally and ideologically against the idea of Gorkha and Gorkhaland! And yes Gorkhas would, at least, have the hope to have their own separate state called ‘Gorkhaland’ or to be known by any other name someday.

Sapana nai bhaye pani haami dekhneh chau ra dekhi rahaneh chau

The choice is ours, to opt for scenario #1 or #2. No one shall force us.

Concluding Note:

The unscientific, unorganized and premature conclusion of 2017 Gorkha uprising has deeply lowered the self-respect and dignity of the entire Gorkha community. It may be difficult to reinstate our old glory in the foreseeable future unless we unite and stay united. For the first time, I feel insecure to wear a T-shirt that reads ‘I support Gorkhaland’ even in Kalimpong, not to talk of Siliguri.

For me ‘Entry of TMC into Darjeeling Politics is beginning of the end of Gorkha Political Aspirations’

[Originally posted on : https://thedarjeelingchronicle.com/darjeeling-parliamentary-constituency-election-2019-and-the-gorkhas-some-observations/]

गाेर्खाल्याण्ड : भुसभित्रकाे अागाे

10:13 PM
हालै एउटा समसामयिक पत्रिकामा प्रकाशित एउटा लेख।

                             
   ।। गाेर्खाल्याण्ड : भुसभित्रकाे अागाे ।।
                                                                                                     ✍ पुरण छेत्री

बर्ष २०१७, दार्जिलिङबासीहरूले कहिल्यै भुल्न नसकिने बर्ष भएर गए। करिब एक चाैथाई बर्ष दार्जिलिङले हडतालमै बिताए। कतिले यी सबै घटनाहरू भुले तर बिनय - अनितलाई भने याे अान्दाेलन ढकमक्क फूले।

अलिकति पृष्ठभूमि :

१६ मई २०१७ मा बंगालका शिक्षा मन्त्री पार्थ च्याटर्जीले राज्यभरिनै कक्षा १ देखि १० सम्म बंगाली भाषा अनिवार्य भएकाे घाेषणा गरे। बर्षाै देखि अाफ्नाे जातिय सुरक्षाकाे प्रश्न लिएर अाफ्नाे छुट्टै राज्य हुनु पर्छ भन्ने भावना पालेर बसेका गाेर्खाहरूकाे मुटुमा याे घाेषणा काँडा भएर बिझे। १९८६ मा सुबास घिसिङकाे अान्दाेलनकालमा जन्मिएका बालक ३० बर्षकाे लक्का बेकारी जवान बनिसकेकाे अवस्थामा याे निर्णय बिकशित जातिले हामीमाथी जबर्जस्ती थाेपिएकाे निर्णय महशुस गरे। चारैतिरबाट यसकाे बिराेध हुन शुरू भयाे।

जुन ५, २०१७ मा बंगालका मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जी पहाड भ्रमनमा अाईन्। उनकाे भ्रमण अवधि मिरिक सौरेनीमा कालो झण्डा देखाउने वीर अान्दोलनकारी नाेलडाँडाका पूर्ण सिंह राईलाई अाधा घण्टा भित्रै पक्राउ गरिएकाे थियाे। यसरी शुरू भयाे २०१७ काे भाषा अतिक्रमण बिरूद्ध अान्दाेलन। पूर्ण सिंह राईनै २०१७ काे अान्दाेलनमा पक्रा पर्ने पहिलाे अान्दाेलनकारी हुन्। भारत जस्ताे विशाल गणतन्त्रमा अाफुलाई मन नपरेकाे कुराेकाे शान्तिपूर्ण ढंगमा बिराेध गर्न सकिन्छ। अन्य राज्यहरूमा भने थप्पड हान्ने, जुत्ता-चप्पलकाे झटाराे हान्ने, कलमकाे मसी छर्कने जस्ता घट्नाहरू भएका छन्। तर बंगालमा शासकदलकाे बिराेध गर्नुलाई राष्ट्रद्राेहनै मानिन्छन्। यसले बंगालकाे राजनैतिक संस्कार कतातिर लम्किरहेकाे छ भनेर अनुमान लगाउँन सकिन्छ।

अान्दाेलनका केही घटनाहरू:

जुन् ८,२०१७ मा पूर्व घाेषणा अनुरूप दार्जिलिङमा राज्यका मन्त्री परिषदकाे "क्याबिनेट स्तरीय" बैठक राज भवनमा चलिरहेकाे थियाे। गाेजमुमाेले साेही क्याबिनेटमा गाेर्खा बाहुल क्षेत्रहरूमा बंगाली भाषा "अनिवार्य" नरहने प्रस्तावना पास गराउँन दबाव दिईरहेकाे थियाे। क्याबिनेटमा साे बिषयकाे चर्चा नभए पनि मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीले सभा पश्चात, "पहाडमा बंगाली भाषा एच्छिक बिषय मात्र रहने" घाेषणा गरिन्। असन्तुष्ट प्रदर्शनकारीहरू र पुलिसमाझ भएकाे झडपले निकै ठुलाे रूप लिने छाँट देखे पछि सेना उतार्न परेकाे थियाे। पश्चिम बंगाल सरकारले साेहि दिन देखि, जी०ट०ए० चेयरम्यान बिमल गुरूङकाे सुरक्षा गार्ड फिर्ता लगे।

युवा माेर्चाकाे १२ घण्टा पहाड बन्दकाे घाेषणा, मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीकाे सिलगडी प्रस्थान र केही अागजनी घटनाहरू बिच, १३ जुनकाे दिन पहाडकाे राजनैतिक दलहरूकाे सभाले अब उसाे पुनः अलग राज्य गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे माग अघि बडाउँने प्रस्ताव पारित गरे। जीटीए संग असन्तुष्ट रहेका गाेजमुमाे प्रमुख बिमल गुरूङले "गाेर्खाल्याण्ड" मुद्दा यथावत राख्दै चुक्ती गरेकाले उक्त मागलाई फेरि अघि बढाउँन सकिने प्रशस्त ठाउँ थियाे। पहाडमा सबै भन्दा बलियाे र व्यापक जन समर्थन रहेकाे दल गाेजमुमाे रहेकाेले राज्य सरकारलाई अलग राज्यकाे अान्दाेलन तेज गराउँन सक्ने भय पनि गाेजमुमाेसंग नै थियाे।

२०१७ काे जुन १५ मा अचानक पुलिसले गाेजमुमाे कार्यलय र अध्यक्ष बिमल गुरूङकाे घरमा छापा मारे पछि, बिनय तामाङले "अनिश्चितकालीन बन्दकाे" घाेषणा गरे।

१७ जुनमा जनअान्दाेलन र गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे अान्दाेलन  शहिदहरूकाे रगतले रंगिए।
      - सहिद सुनिल राई, कैंजले
      - सहिद बिमल शासांकर, गाेक
      - सहिद महेश गुरूङ, रेलिङ

१८ जुनबाट सरकारले पहाडमा ईन्टरनेट बन्द गरिदिए। यसले अान्दाेलनकारीमाझ खवरकाे अादान प्रदानमा बाधा अायाे।

२० जुनकाे सर्वदलीय बैठक पछि, जीटीएका ४५ जना सभासदकाे राजिनामा, जीटीए खारेज अादीकाे प्रस्तावना हुुँदै अनिश्चितकालीन बन्द बिस्तारै १३ दिनमा प्रवेश गरे। गाेजमुमाेकाे प्रभावकारी कार्यक्रम र बंगाल सरकारलाई चाप दिने नीति अनुरूप तत्कालीन गाेजमुमाे  २७ जुनमा सह सचिव बिनय तामाङकाे अगुवाईमा २०११ मा गरिएकाे जीटीएकाे चुक्ती पत्र जलाईयाे।

जुलाई महिना भरि घरि केन्द्लाई रिझाउँने, घरि गाली गर्ने त कहिले राम्राे खवर अाउँने हल्लाहरू बिचदैनिक धर्ना र जुलुसहरू जारी रहे।

७ जुलाई जनअान्दाेलन र गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे अान्दाेलन  पुन: शहिदकाे रगतले रंगिए।
      - सहिद टाँसी भाेटीया, साेनादा

८ जुलाईमा जनअान्दाेलन र गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे अान्दाेलन  फेरि शहिदहरूकाे रगतले रंगिए।
      - सहिद सुरज भुसाल, तुङसुङ
      - सहिद समीर गुरूङ, सिंहमारी
      - सहिद अशाेक तामाङ, लुईस जुबली

१७ जुलाईमा जनअान्दाेलन र गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे अान्दाेलन  अझ शहिदहकाे रगतले रंगिए।
      - सहिद अाशिष तामाङ, मगरजुङ

अगस्त १३ मा केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्रीले डाकेकाे बैठकमा बिमल गुरूङ अनुपस्थित रहे। केन्द्रले डाकेकाे बैठकमा बिमल गुरूङले उपस्थिति नदिएर एउटा ठुलाे भुल गरि पठाए। भाजपाकाे घटक दलकाे रूपमा बिमल गुरूङलाई बैठकमा बाेलाईए पनि, GMCC ले नै अगुवा गर्न खाेजेकाे याे बैठकमा केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्रीले त्यति चासाे देखाएनन् र साेझै राज्यकाे मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जी संग कुरा गर्ने सुझाव दिए।

त्यसैलाई अाधार मानेर २४ अगस्तमा गाेरामुमाेकाे पक्षबाट वार्ताकाे निम्ति निरज जिम्बाले मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीलाई पत्राचार गरे।

२९ अगस्तकाे नवान्नकाे सर्वदलिय बैठक पछि, बिनय तामाङले १२ दिन अर्थात अघिल्लाे सभा सम्मकाे निम्ति बन्द स्थगित गर्ने सुझाव दिए।

३१ अगस्तमा पुनः एक सहिद
      - सहिद श्यामाला / प्रमिला राई, युथ हाेस्टेल

१ सितम्बरमा राेशन गिरीले, बन्द उठाउँनु जनअावाज बिरूद्ध रहेकाे ठहर गर्दै बिनय-अनित दुवैलाई दलबाट निकालिएकाे घाेषणा गरे। साेहिदिन सिक्किमकाे भुमीमै पसेर अर्का अान्दाेलनकारीलाई बंगाल पुलिसले सिकार गर।
      - सहिद दावा भाेटीया, पेदाेङ

१२ सितम्बरमा नवान्नमा हुने बैठकमा राज्यद्वारा बिनय-अनितलाईनै मान्यतादिने घाेषणा।

२० सितम्बरमा पश्चिम बंगालका मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीद्वारा बिनय तामाङलाई GTA काे BOA नियुक्त। बाेर्डमा अनित थापा, सन्चबिर सुब्बा, मन घिसिङ, मले दे (मुख्य सचिव), अमर सिंह राई (बिधायक), अनु छेत्री, ज्याेतिन खातुन अनि एल० बी० राई रहेकाे घाेषणा।

२२ सितम्बरमा केन्द्रीय वार्ता टाेलीका सदश्यहरू के० डी० प्रधान, पी० टी० अाेला अनि त्रिलाेक चन्द्र राेका गुडगाँव बाट पक्राउ गरियाे।

२६ सितम्बरमा केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्री राजनाथ सिंह द्वारा गाेर्खाल्याण्ड मुद्दा माथी सचिव स्तरिय वार्ता राख्ने निर्देश दिदै, गाेजमुमाेलाई अनिश्चितकालीन बन्द उठाउँने अपिल। केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्रीको वार्ताकाे पहल र अपिललाई सम्मान जनउँदै बिमल गुरूङद्वारा बन्द खाेलिएकाे घाेषणा।

२५ अक्टोबरमा पुलिस हिरासतमै रहेका र उपचाराधिन गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे अर्का वीर सिपाही सहिद। सम्पुर्ण पहाड शाेकाकुल।
      - सहिद बरूण भुजेल, पार्षद, कालेबुङ नगरपालिका ।

बंगला गितमा मनाएकाे भानु जयन्ती, जात-जातकाे बाेर्ड गठन, जिल्ला बिभाजन र बंगला भाषाकाे अनिवार्यताले सबै गाेर्खा सन्तानले जातिय असुरक्षा महशुस गरिरहेका थिए। विश्व भरि छरिएर बसेका गाेर्खाहरूले अान्दाेलनलाई समर्थन जनाई रहेका थिए।

बारम्बार पहाड शान्त छ भन्ने मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीकाे अालाेचनामा बिपक्षीहरू हात धाेएर लाग्न थाले। अाफ्नाे कार्यकालमा बंगालबाट अलग राज्य गाेर्खाल्याण्ड हुनुभनेकाे उनलाई बंगालकै ईतिहासले भाेली धिक्कार्नु हाे। बिपक्षीहरू यसै मुद्दालाई लिएर उनलाई सत्ताच्युत गराउँने ताकमा थिए। यस्ताेमा उनले जसरी भए पनि याे अान्दाेलन साम्य पार्नु थियाे। उनले लिएकाे कुनै पनि निर्णय बेसक बंगालकै हितमा हुनु पर्ने थियाे। उनले त्यसै गरिन् र बंगालकाे मुख्यमन्त्री हुनुकाे धर्म निभाईन्।

यता अान्दाेलनकारीहरू भने दिल्लीतिर हेर्दै कराई रहेका थिए। बंगाल सरकार संग वार्ता नगर्ने बिमल गुरूङकाे अडान स्पष्ट थियाे। यता अान्दाेलनकाे रूप दैनिक उग्र हुँदै गएपछि बंगाल सरकार अात्तिएकै अवस्थामा दिल्लीलाई गुहार मागे। केन्द्रीय  गृहमन्त्री राजनाथ सिंह र मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जी बिचकाे वार्ताले केन्द्रीय पुलिस बल दिएर बंगाललाई सहयाेग दिने वचन दिए। केन्द्रीय पुलिसबल अाए पछि अान्दाेलनकारीहरू शीत बंगाल सरकारकाे ब्यवहारनै बदलियाे।

यस अान्दाेलनमा सामुहिक नेतृत्व हुनु पर्छ भन्ने जाेर दिदै बिमल गुरूङलाई जीटीए त्याग्न भनियाे। जीएमसीसीकाे गठनले अान्दाेलनलाई थप उँचाई दिने अाशा गरिएकाे थियाे। प्रथम पंक्तिकाे नेतृत्वहरूकाे अभावमा जीएमसीसी लंगडाे मात्र हिड्याे। वास्तवमा प्रभावकारी कार्यक्रम दिन नसक्नुनै जीएमसीसीकाे असफलताकाे कारण रह्याे। बंगाललाई जसरी भए पनि अान्दाेलन साम्य पार्नु थियाे। साम, दाम, दण्ड र भेदकाे नीति लिएर अघि बडे। गाेरामुमाेबाट निरज जिम्बाले बिष पिएर लेखेकाे पत्र बंगालकाे निम्ति संजिवनी बुट्टी साबित भयाे।

अान्दाेलन पछिकाे अन्याेलता:

केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्रीको अाश्वासन पछि पहाड अन्यालग्रस्त बन्याे। बंगाल सरकारलाई अाच्छु-अाच्छु पारेकाे २०१७ काे अान्दाेलनकाे लाभ भन्दा धेरै हानीनै देखिन्छ। लगभग घुँडा टेकीसकेका बंगालका मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीकाे अन्तर्राष्ट्रियस्तरमा अालाेचनाहुन थालेपछि, बैठककाे निम्ति अाग्रह गरिरहेकी थिईन। भाषा विवादबाट शुरू भएकाे अान्दाेलन छुट्टै राज्यकाे मागमा रूपान्तर भए पछि बंगाल सरकार पनि असमंजसमा परेका थिए।

केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्रीले तृपक्षिय वार्ता राख्न सक्थे। देशकाे चार अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सिमाक्षेत्रमा पर्ने दार्जिलिङ असान्त हुनु भनेकाे देशकाे अान्तरिक सुरक्षाकाे बिषय थियाे। एउटा बिशुद्ध राजनैतिक मुद्दालाई राजनथ सिंहले कानुनी समस्या भनेर बताउन साथ गाेर्सखाकाे टाउकाेमा पुलिसकाे डण्ठा बजेन थाले।

देशकाे गृहमन्त्री, हाम्राे निम्ति कामै लागेनन्। बरू हाम्राे अान्दाेलन दबाउँन मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीलाई भरपुर सहयाेग गरे। स्वतन्त्र भारतकाे ईतिहासमा सबैभन्दा कमजाेर र डरछेरूवा गृहमन्त्री राजनाथ सिंह नै हुन्।

यसै अान्दाेलनले माटाे प्रेमी र चाैकि प्रेमी छुट्टीए यसकाे मुख्य लाभ भने बंगाल सरकारलाईनै भयाे।

२०१७ काे अगस्त महिनाकाे मध्यतिर अचानक एउठा बयान अायाे, "मलाई बङ्गाल सरकारसित मिलेर दार्जीलिङ र खरसाङका केही अवसरवादी नेताहरूले फसाउने षडयन्त्र गरिरहेका छन्। १०-१२ दिनमा उनीहरू को हुन्, म सार्वजनिक गर्नेछु।’

संसार भरि छरिएर बसेका गाेर्खाल्याण्ड समर्थकहरूकाे सहयाेग रहेकाे याे अान्दाेलनमा यस्ताे प्रकारकाे बयान अचानक अाउँनुले अाफैमा धेरै रहस्य बाेकेका थिएछन्। सम्पुर्ण गाेर्खाहरूकाे समर्थन रहेकाे साथै पहाड, तराई, डुवर्स एक भएकाे याे बृहत् अान्दाेलनमा यस्ताे कार्य कसले गर्लान् भनेर सायद कसैले पत्याएनन्। मैले पनि पत्याईंन त्यसबेला। तर बताउँनै परेन, समयले सबै कुराे उदाङ्गाे पारीदियाे।

अनिश्चितकालीन बन्द डाक्ने देखि जीटीएकाे चुक्ती पत्र जलाउँने सम्म गाेजमुमाे सह सचिव बिनय तामाङकाे भुमिका सराहनीय रह्याे। उनले अान्दाेलनलाई अाफै अघि अाएर नेतृत्व दिन खाेजेकाे दृश्यहरू जता ततै पाईन्छ। बंगाल सरकार संग मिलेर एक प्रकारले अान्दाेलन बिथाेलेकाे अाराेप लागे पनि वास्तवमा उनले गाेजमुमाेकाे सह-सचिव हुनुकाे धर्म वार्ता सम्म राम्रै निर्वाह गरे।

अान्दाेलनमा शिथिलता अाए पछि, एउटा अन्तरवार्तामा बिनय तामाङले भने, "बन्द यति लामाे हुन्छ भनेर मलाई थाहा थिएन"। यसरी नतिजा के हुन्छ भन्ने कुरा नबुझी बन्द डाक्ने नेताकाे पछि लागेर हामीले अनावश्यक दुःख पाएका थिएछाैं। अहिले अाएर बन्द डाक्ने मानिस नेता भएर मन्त्रीको अहाेदा पाएर गजक्क छन्। उनकाे अादेश मानेर बन्द गराउँनेहरू अदालतमा मुद्दा खेपिरहेका छन्। पुलिसले खेदिरहेका छन्।

क्रान्ति बिना मुक्ति हुँदैन। २०१७ काे जनअान्दाेलनले मुक्तिकाे मार्ग खाेजीरहेका थिए। अान्दाेलन साम्य भए पछि भने बिनय तामाङकाे भुमिका जनहित बिपरित देखिए। उनले बिमल गुरूङ गलत मार्गमा थिए भने, अान्दाेलनलाई त्यहिबाट उठाएर सहि दिशा दिनु पर्ने थियाे। बिनय - अनितले दिशा परिवर्तन गरेर बंगालतिर फर्किए । गाेर्खाकाे जातिय उन्मुक्तिकाे युद्धमा "मिरजाफरकाे" उपाधी लिएर भिखमा पाएकाे कुर्सीमा बिराजमान छन्। पुलिस- प्रशासनकाे अाडमा गरिएकाे कुट्नितीले जातिलाई कस्ताे निकाश दिने हाे हेर्न बाँकीनै छ। संसारमा कस्ता-कस्ता क्रुर शासकहरूकाे अन्त्य जनतालेनै गरेका छन्। दार्जिलिङ पनि अाखिर भुसभित्रकाे अागाेनै हाे, कहिले यसले बिकराल रूप लिनेछ, कल्पना बाहिरनै छ।

लोकसभामा दार्जीलिङ समष्टिबाट गोर्खा प्रतिनिधित्वका सही हकदार श्री आर. बी. राई

7:36 PM
लोकसभामा दार्जीलिङ समष्टिबाट
गोर्खा प्रतिनिधित्वका सही हकदार श्री आर. बी. राई

अब भाजपाप्रति विश्वास रहेन । दार्जीलिङभरि योग्य गोर्खा व्यक्तित्वहरू हुँदा-हुँदै एउटा राजनैतिक अनुभवहीन भएको व्यक्तिलाई अघि सारिनु भनेको भाजपा गठबन्धनको हामी गोर्खाहरूप्रतिको हेलचेक्राइ हो । योग्य गोर्खा उम्मेदवार दिए पुनर्विचार गर्न सकिने मूडमा बसेको क्रामाकपाले अब श्री आर. बी. राईलाई उम्मेदवार बनाएर चुनाउमा जानुबाहेक अर्को विकल्प छैन ।   

यसैले श्री आर. बी. राईले दार्जीलिङ संसदीय क्षेत्रका उम्मेदवारको रूपमा भोलि आफ्नो नामांकन भर्नेछन् ।

 राज्यसभा र लोकसभाको अनुभव पहिलाबाटै प्राप्त गरिसकेका श्री राई एक इमान्दार नेता मात्र होइनन् तर उनी एक अनुभवी, अध्ययनशील र योग्य गोर्खा उम्मेदवार हुन् । राज्यसत्ताको सम्पूर्ण शक्ति लगाएर गोर्खाहरूको आवाजलाई निर्ममतापूर्वक दबाउने तृणमूल पार्टी अनि भारतीय गोर्खाहरूलाई बारम्बार धोका दिएर हाम्रो विश्वासमाथि खेलबाड गर्ने भारतीय जनता पार्टीका उम्मेदवारहरूविरुद्ध अब हामीले गोर्खाल्याण्ड मुद्दाका इमान्दार सिपाही श्री आर. बी. राईको पक्षमा आफ्नो बहुमूल्य मतदान गरेर गोर्खाल्याण्डप्रेमी जनताको परिचय दिनुछ । तृणमूल र भाजपाजस्ता फासिस्ट शक्तिहरूको विरुद्ध गणतान्त्रिक शक्तिलाई बलियो बनाउनुछ । बइमानलाई धेरैपल्ट सघायौँ, अब एकपल्ट इमान्दारलाई सघाएर हाम्रो असली सङ्ग्रामको सुरुवात त्यहीँ बिन्दुबाट गर्नुछ । जनताको नेतालाई जनताले नै चिन्नुछ, चुन्नुछ । अत: गोर्खाल्याण्डप्रेमी, गणतन्त्रप्रेमी सबै-सबै मतदाताहरूलाई आर. बी. राईको पक्षमा आफ्नो बहुमूल्य मत दिने विनम्र अनुरोध गरिन्छ ।

Raju Bista Declared BJP MP candidate from Darjeeling for Lok Sabha election

7:28 PM
GJM GNLF BJP candidate for Darjeeling Lok Sabha seat Declared

Raju Bista , 34 years old, Managing Director of Surya Roshni Ltd, a Gorkha from Manipur has been declared the candidate for Darjeeling Lok Sabha seat.
Raju Bhist Declared BJP MP candidate from Darjeeling
Raju Bista Declared BJP MP candidate from Darjeeling
Raju Bista has been the Managing Director at Surya Roshni Limited since October 29, 2012. Shri Bista served as a Deputy Managing Director of Surya Roshni Limited until October 29, 2012.

He joined Surya Foundation an NGO in furtherance of his deep rooted desire to develop the youth of the country. His management and planning skills are valuable factors in the growth of Surya.

He has been a Whole Time Director of Surya Roshni Limited since June 18, 2009. Shri Bista holds the directorship in Surya Global Steel Tubes Limited and Surya Global Infrastructure Limited. He is a Graduate in Arts from Manipur. He has done Executive Masters Programme in Business Administration with specialization in Marketing Management from National Institute of Business Management.

Sons without a Soil: Bhoomi is the Issue, Not Putra

8:19 PM
‘Bhoomiputra’ has become the latest catchphrase for political parties in Darjeeling Hills. CPRM was the first to announce former MP RB Rai as its candidate for 2019, soon followed by ‘bhoomiputra’ candidates from TMC-GJM (Binoy faction), Congress, CPIM. The lone ‘putri’ (daughter) in the fray is Reseeka Chhetri who has announced her candidacy as an independent contestant.

A New Catchphrase

Bhoomiputra or the son-of-the-soil theory is not new to Indian politics and have brought about sea change in the social narrative of our nation. However, for Darjeeling Hills, Bhoomiputra has never been an issue of asserting identity and have historically elected political representatives both from within and outside the region. After the Gorkhaland issue became the mainstream of Darjeeling Hills politics, people have always for the issue, notwithstanding party or leaders. The core philosophy of local politics has been aptly described in the words of Subash Ghising: “Party bhanda Jati thulo, Jati bhanda Maato thulo”

The whole jingoism about Bhoomiputra is only an attempt to divert public attention from the core issue of Gorkhaland. For every voter, Gorkhaland has always been the core political issue and the current generation have witnessed several dramas unfold around the statehood movement in their lives. After having made all efforts to divide the people through boards, councils, and administrations, the son-of-the-soil rhetoric is another ploy to crush the statehood movement and its supporters. This Bhumiputra debate is a classic case of using the ’US’ vs ‘THEM’ idea as a political tool.

The Friendship Treaty Bogey Call

The alliance of Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress and the Hills parties have conveniently shifted the goal post for Gorkhaland. In an article published by Economic Times, Binoy Tamang states “we must demand a review and revision of the India-Nepal Friendship treaty, and there should be a clear demarcation of borders between these two countries. This is the reason why people still call us Nepalese and treat us like foreigners. If this isn’t done, no way can we remove the foreigner tag. Gorkhaland has become a tool for politicians. Before every election, they sell us the dream of Gorkhaland. If we fail to correct the basic issues which are stopping us from getting Gorkhaland, Gorkhas will continue to die and we will never achieve our goal”.

The Government of India formed an Eminent Person’s Group (EPG) in 2014, comprising of experts from both India and Nepal to examine the Indo-Nepal Friendship Treaty 1950 and modify its provisions to reflect the realities of current times. This committee has taken representation on Indo-Nepal Friendship Treaty from various sections of the society from both India and Nepal, and already submitted their final report in July of 2018. The Government of India is expected to renew the treaty in the later half of 2019. With or without TMC-GJM(BT) group making it an election issue.

The sudden realization that the India-Nepal Friendship treaty is the obstacle to the identity and statehood movement to be led by TMC is highly doubtful. If we remember, this is the same government which hounded Gorkhaland movement supporters for months and even killed 13 innocent protestors in broad daylight.

A new beginning for hill politics

Be it the first memorandum submitted by Hillmen Association in 1907, the violence of 1980s, or the recent 2017 agitation, the demand has been a separate administration and self-rule within India’s democratic union. The Anglo-Nepal treaty is an international treaty between two nations and are being discussed at the level. The Gorkha statehood movement is a demand for state protection for Indian Gorkhas who have been left out in the constitutional process. It is a desire for the recognition, respect, and integration of Gorkha peoples in the Indian nation-state

Now as GJM (Bimal faction) and GNLF have come together to fight the elections and carry the Gorkhaland issue forward, there is a chance that Gorkhaland will not be decimated from the central politics. If the primary objective is to push forward the Gorkhaland issue, then the goal should be to find the right person to do it. There is no point harping on ‘Bhoomiputra’ where there is no ‘Bhoomi’ in the first place.

To have one Gorkhaland supporting MP in the Lot Sabha is to have a voice in the parliament. With the coming together of the two parties, the TMC led alliance is startled. Mainstream media is already abuzz with digging out the violent history and personal differences of leaders to create a rift. In coming days, there could be more incidents reported to fuel the differences of the past.

As voters, we can only hope that GJM and GNLF remain true to the cause because it is Gorkhaland issue had brought them to the position they are today. They must realize that the core issue for which they have fought is much bigger than the rewards of local politics.

For the voters, we must realize that five years is a long time, long enough for one generation of kids to forget about the issue. The solution might take time, but voting the right candidate is the only way we have to keep our issue alive in political discourse in the center. To lose that voice for 5 years will take us back further.

Leaders and parties are free to campaign and promise anything as long as we know what we want.

[Originally Posted here https://thedarjeelingchronicle.com/darjeeling-elections-bhoomiputra-issue/]

What Gorkha Youth Thinks

9:14 AM
Writes: Dibya Chhetri

Gorkhaland has again become the most popular topic for discussion with the upcoming Elections in April. At every corner, you can hear people discussing whose fault was it the last time and who is to be blamed. Having failed so many times, we have even stopped learning lessons from the past mistakes. We always find an excuse to blame someone and continue repeating the same mistakes time and again.

However we may want to believe, it has always been our lack of unity and integrity that is to blame.  It is us who split out because of petty differences and aspirations compromising the larger cause of the community. The sacrifices of the martyrs who died believing in Gorkhaland have been reduced to mere stories today. Blaming ‘THEM’ has become our culture today simply because it is easy. ’THEY did this to US’ is easier than saying ‘WE did it ourselves and rectify our actions.

Our refusal to introspect our actions have made it difficult for us to learn from the mistakes and take corrective measures. I certainly don’t believe that only protests and shutdowns Darjeeling or Delhi should be the first and easy alternative for us use. What we lack is honest people to represent our voice at all levels, a vision for the youth, and a willingness to change for better.


Let us look around us for a while, the youths are leaving the place for a better life outside in bigger cities. Hundreds others are neck-deep in alcohol and drug addiction. Those who want to work, don’t have the knowledge or resources to start something. With such situation at home, the only option we have left is to work in service of others. Perhaps we are happy doing the *ji saabji* and even used to it now. Of course, we sometimes get sentimental and cry victim when something unfortunate happens; but happy to narrate our glorious history when all other excuses fail.

Dear Gorkhas ,
Make sure people will know you by your present action and not by your history .
Be the sun that shines everywhere
Be it education, entertainment, sports, or politics
Business or social services
From dash to dash


Via thedarjeelingchronicle.com


SC interim relief to Bimal Gurung and other GJM leaders on all UAPA cases

5:26 PM
JUST IN: SC interim relief to GJM leaders on all UAPA cases

A two-member Supreme Court bench comprising Justice Arun Mishra and Justice Vineet Saran has provided interim relief to six senior Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) leaders, including Bimal Gurung, in the 2017 blasts and arms haul case by ordering the the West Bengal police that "no coercive action be taken till the next hearing".

The relief comes after a series of hearings based on a writ petition filed by GJM general secretary Roshan Giri in 2017.
Bimal Gurung and Roshan Giri GJM Leaders

The Supreme Court has ordered, "Let an affidavit be filed on behalf of the State Government as to whether the provisions of Section 6(1) of the NIA Act, the cases which are covered by the National Investigation Agency (NIA) in 2008, they have forwarded a report to the Central Government, as mandated by Section 6(2) or not. In the meantime, let the status quo be maintained with respect to the offences which are covered by the NIA Act, 2008. No coercive action be taken till the next date of hearing."

The case has been listed for hearing in the second week of January.

To those unfamiliar with the NIA Act of 2008, if any "scheduled offences" listed under the Act have been committed, Section 6(1) of the Act requires the local police to inform the state government, and Section 6(2) for the state government to inform the Central government immediately.

Cases registered under The Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967, widely known as UAPA, is included as "scheduled offences" under the NIA Act of 2008.

In Darjeeling, the West Bengal police have slapped 14 different cases against Gurung and other top GJM leaders under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967, citing various blasts and arms recovery from across the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA) region during the 2017 Gorkhaland statehood agitation period.

Speculations are therefore rife that the Supreme Court may actually order these 14 cases registered under the dreaded UAPA to be investigated by the NIA.

A lawyer present at the court said, “Even the Solicitor General of India Tushar Mehta spoke on behalf of the Central government, and he argued that, these cases are fit for investigations by the National Investigation Agency."

In political circles of Darjeeling, this order is being seen by many as providing credence to the beleaguered GJM leader Gurung and his followers, who have remained underground since the Gorkhaland agitation broke out in June of 2017.

A series of blasts had rocked the GTA region in the month of August, 2017, following which the West Bengal police had slapped charges under UAPA against Gurung and other top GJM leaders. Reacting to which, Gurung had asked for investigations by NIA under the supervision of the Supreme Court.

In a letter to the Unioin home minister Rajnath Singh, Gurung had questioned how was it possible that the police didn’t see someone planting a bomb when the blast site is situated right next to the Darjeeling Sadar police station.

“It is either a case of gross incompetence, or a case of fake blast planted by state agents to frame the GJM leadership. We suspect that the blast is a handiwork of the Bengal government to disrupt the Gorkhaland movement,” the letter had said.

The letter had further requested, “We demand that a probe be initiated, at the earliest, by a high-level inquiry committee, comprising of National Invstigation Agency (NIA) officials under the supervision of the Supreme Court of India, so that an unbiased investigations can be carried out into this heinous attempt to bring disrepute to the Gorkhaland movement and the leaders associated with it, and willful attempts at causing unrest in peaceful Darjeeling.”

The GJM faction loyal to Bimal Gurung have always professed their innocence in the acts of bomb blasts and arms haul, and have speculated on these being a frame-up of their leadership by the West Bengal government, this SC order is being seen as a vindication of their stand.

[Via: EastMojo originally posted at: https://www.eastmojo.com/news/2018/12/12/2017-blasts-sc-interim-relief-to-gjm-leaders-on-all-uapa-cases]

No Gorkhaland, Nor the Sixth: Binay Pleads the Fifth

7:59 PM

Neither Gorkhaland nor Sixth Schedule status. The current lot of politicians in Darjeeling Hills have now raised the demand for inclusion of the region in the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution.

Binay Tamang, the president of a faction of the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) that enjoys the backing of the state government, yesterday said that the party has decided to press for inclusion of entire north Bengal in the Fifth Schedule.

“In our party’s foundation day, it has been resolved that GTA areas and the rest of north Bengal should be declared a Scheduled Area. This will help this economically backward region develop and, in turn, benefit all the communities living here,” Tamang, who also happens to the chairman of Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA), today told reporters at Bagdogra Airport in Siliguri.

Tamang was in Delhi yesterday to participate in a demonstration against the BJP-led Centre’s alleged double standards as regards the Gorkhaland demand. The demonstration, however, was cancelled as Delhi Police withdrew the permission at the last moment.

“They allege that there is no democracy in Darjeeling. But it is in Delhi where democracy is being trampled. At the phone call of BJP minister SS Ahluwalia, Delhi Police did not allow us to hold the demonstration,” he said, adding that the party later held the foundation day meeting at Vasant Vihar in the Capital.

“If Gujarat and nine other states can have Scheduled Area, why not north Bengal? After Deepavali, we will hold a series of protest rallies and meetings in Delhi to press for this,” Tamang added.

Under the provisions of the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution, Scheduled Area is treated differently from the other areas because they are inhabited by socially and economically backward aboriginals and special efforts need to be made to improve their condition.

The entire set of normal administrative machinery is a state is not extended to a Scheduled Area, and the Central government shoulders a greater responsibility for its overall development.

There are Scheduled Areas in Bihar, Jharkhand, Chhatisgarh, Odisha, Himachal Pradesh, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Telangana, and Andhra Pradesh

[Via: Newsmen]

गोर्खा जनमुक्ति युवा मोर्चाद्वारा प्रेस विज्ञप्ति

5:59 PM
जनताले रिजेक्ट कसलाई गरेको छ त्यो बिषयमा सबै भन्दा
राम्ररी ज्ञान र अनुभव बिनय तामाङ्ग अनि उहाँको टोलीलाई छ।

मुख्य अतिथिको मञ्चबाट आफ्नो सम्बोधन राख्ने क्रममा जनताबाट भाषण बन्द गर भन्ने जोडतोडको प्रतिक्रिया आउनु पो होइन र रिजेक्ट?

सामाजिक सञ्जालतिर दिन रातै जनताले आक्रोश व्यक्त गर्दै गाली गरेको पो होइन र रिजेक्ट?

बिनय दाजु तपाईं स्वयं दिल्ली भ्रमण ममता बन्दोपाध्यको  साथमा जानुभएको समय केन्द्रीय मंत्रीहरूको ढोका ढोका घुम्नु हुँदा कुनै एकजना मन्त्री महोदय सम्मलाई भेट गर्नु नपाउनु भएको सत्य कुरा होइन र रिजेक्ट?

केन्द्र सरकार अनि तपाईंको अन्नदाता राज्य सरकारलाई पनि थाहा छ तपाई जनता रिजेक्ट गरीसकेको नेता हो भनेर। हुन पनि तपाईं बसेको दुइवटै स्थान जनताबाट चुनिएको नभएर सरकारले मनोनीत गरेको सत्यतालाई कसैले नकार्न सक्तैनन्।
बिनय दाजु गाडी घोडा तिर यात्रा गर्दा यात्रुहरूले कस्तो बिचार पोख्छन् एकाअर्का माझ त्यो चालक दाजुभाइहरू संग सोध्नु होला।
GJM Youth Wing press release

जनताले गोजमुमोको नेतृत्ववर्ग लाई होइन तृणमुल मोर्चाको संरक्षकहरूलाई रिजेक्ट गरीसकेको छन्। हो अहिले मुख खोलेर बिनय गुटको विरूद्धमा बोल्न सकेका छैनन् जनता कारण मुख खोल्यो कि थुनुवा पर्ने त्रास जनतामा छाएको छ जसको ज्वलन्त उदाहरण हालै पक्रा परेको कृष्ण बस्नेत (अन्तिम) घटनाले उजागर गरेको छ। सामाजिक सञ्जालमा बंगाल सरकार अनि बिनय अनितको कालो नीतिको बिरोधमा आफ्नो बिचार पोख्दा मात्रमा कृष्ण बस्नेत दाजुले जेलको हावा खानु परिरहेको छ जबकि देशको संविधानको अनुच्छेद १९(१)क ( अभिव्यक्तिको आजादी) ले भारतको हरेक नागरिकलाई आफ्नो अभिव्यक्ति पोख्याउने राजनैतिक अधिकार दिएको छ। तर पहाडमा तथाकथित नेताहरूले दिनहुँ जप्न नभुल्ने शान्ति र गणतन्त्र अचम्मकै छ।

तर दाजु बिनयलाई  सित्तैमा एउटा सुझाव, दाजु पहाडको इतिहास राम्ररी घोत्लिएर सोच्नुहोला, जसले पनि पहाडको माटो संग गद्दारी गरेको छ उसको पतन निश्चित भएको छ कारण हाम्रो पहाडको शिरमा एकापट्टी  महाकाल बाबा आसिन हुनुहुन्छ भने अर्को तर्फ माता सिञ्चेल विराजमान हुनुहुन्छ साथै हाम्रो पहाडको हरेक स्थानहरूमा पवित्र चर्च, गुम्बा मस्जिद अनि देव देवताहरूको स्थान अवस्थीत छ। भनौं भने हाम्रो पहाड पवित्र  तिर्थस्थल नै हो जहाँ हरेक पाइलामा मन्दिर,चर्च,गुम्बा भेटिन्छ। यसैले दाजु पहाडको पवित्र भूमि संग तपाईहरूले गरेको गद्दारीपनको हिसाब इश्वर स्वयंले गर्नुहुनेछ।

अध्यक्ष बिमल गुरुङ्ग ज्युको नेतृत्वमा दिल्लीमा भइरहेको सकारात्मक पहलहरू कसै व्यक्ति बिशेषको स्वार्थको निम्ति होइन दाजु यो त सर्वभारतिय स्तरमा समग्र गोर्खा जातिको उत्थानको निम्ति गरिएको सर्वश्रेष्ठ कार्य हो।

यो तपाईंको तृणमुल मोर्चाले आगामी लोकसभा चुनावलाई हेरेर घोषणा गरेको नाटकीय  बौधिक आन्दोलन होइन बिनय दाजु। जनताको आकांक्षा र हित संग जोडिएको उन्मुक्तिको अभियान हो र नै केन्द्र सरकारले पनि सुन्दैछ हाम्रो कुरा। तपाईंको ममता सरकारलाई पनि राम्ररी ज्ञात भएको कुरा हो तपाईंहरुलाई पनि ज्ञात भएको कुरा हो अनि केन्द्र सरकारलाई पनि राम्रोसँग ज्ञात भएको कुरा हो, अध्यक्ष बिमल गुरुङ्ग ज्यु अनि वहाँको अनुयायीहरु हामी हरहालतमा हाम्रो शताब्दी नाघी सकेको पवित्र मांग "गोर्खाल्याण्ड" बाहेक अन्य कुरामा पटक्कै सम्झौता गर्नेवाला छैनौं भन्ने कुरा।

तपाईंहरूको बिषयमा त के मुख खोलिरहनु जबकि सर्वसाधारण सम्मलाई तपाईंहरूको नाटक बारेमा "क देखि ज्ञ" सम्म थाहा छ।

थाहा छ जनतालाई भोलिको दिनमा गोर्खाल्याण्ड गठनको बिघ्न बाधा बिनय तामाङ्ग र अनित थापाको टोली, हाम्रो जनताले गोर्खाल्याण्डको रेफरेण्डम स्वरूप पठाएको विधायाक अमर सिंह राई(दार्जीलिङ्ग) रोहित शर्मा (खरसाङ्) राज्य सरकारद्वारा मनोनित लोकसभा सांसद शान्ता छेत्री, जात जातको बोर्ड अनि तपाईंको सेनामेनाहरू हो भन्ने कुरा।
 तपाइहरूको नयाँ सोंच र नयाँ बिचार जनताले देखिसकेको छ अब जनता मुक्ति चाहान्छ त्यस्तो दमनकारी नयाँ सोंच र नयाँ बिचार संग। किनभने गणतन्त्र देशमा आफ्नैहरूको दमनमा जीउनु एउटा दास भएर जीउनु सरह हो जहाँ न त स्वेच्छाले बस्न पाईन्छ न त बोल्न नै पाईन्छ।

एक्काइसौँ शताब्दीमा दुनियाँ मंगल ग्रहमा घर बसाउने तरखरमा छ भने हामी चै अझसम्म दासत्वको जुनी जीउन बाध्य छौं। यि सब तपाईहरू जस्तो स्वार्थीहरूको कारणले गर्दा हो जसलाई स्वतन्त्रताको स्वाद थाहा नै छैन।

अन्तमा बिनय दाजु अनि वहाँका सेनामेनाहरूलाई एउटा कुरा स्पष्ट बुझाउनु चाहान्छु, आत्तिनु पर्दैन तपाईंहरू कारण तपाइहरूले जस्तो आफ्नै हरूको घर जलाउने लुटपाट गर्ने अनि जनसाधारणलाई पुलिसको आडमा ह्याकुला मिचाई गर्ने घृणित कार्य हामी गर्न चाहँदैनौ।

कारण हत्या हिंसाको राजनितिले कुनैपनि जाति, समाज र राष्ट्रको भलो हुन सक्तैन। एकाइसौं शताब्दी सम्म पिरोलिएर, हेपिएर, चेप्टिएर आफ्नो आकार गुमाइसकेका हाम्रो जातिको उत्थान गर्नु हो भने, अनि विकासको हजार फड्को नाघि सकेको अन्य जातिको हाराहारीमा हाम्रो भावी सन्तानलाई उभ्याउनु हो भने हामीले हाम्रो स्वयंको जीवनलाई अनि व्यक्तिगत इच्छा आकांक्षाहरूलाई टाढा राखेर जनहितमा आफुलाई समर्पीत गर्नु पर्छ। हामी काटमार लुटपाटको राजनीति गरेर हाम्रो जातिलाई अझै तल धकेल्न चाहँदैनौ। यसैले यसरी अत्तालिएर नानाथरी फलाक्नु उचित हुँदैन।

गोरखा सञ्जिव लामा
सह सचिव
गोजयुमो केन्द्रिय समिति। ।

Want to join Mamata Banerjee for the prosperity of Darjeeling - Pawan Chamling

11:30 AM
Chamling backs Didi on hills

Sikkim chief minister Pawan Chamling on Monday iterated his backing for Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee on her handling of the situation in the Darjeeling hills where the Gorkhaland agitation had resulted in the three months-long shutdown in the middle of last year.

Interacting with a visiting team of journalists from Calcutta here, Chamling praised Mamata as a great leader who enjoys his complete support.

"The chief minister said he supports whatever Mamata is doing in the Darjeeling hills since she is a great leader of a big state. He also said that he was for the development of both Bengal and Sikkim," said a member of the visiting team.

On the Doklam standoff, Chamling is understood have told the team that he came to know about it through the media and neither the Union government nor the Indian Army kept had him in the loop.

He spoke about the four per cent increase in forest cover of Sikkim and called for extending the ban on the use of plastic throughout India.

The Sikkim chief minister, according to the senior journalist, also iterated his demand for the granting of peace bonus to the Himalayan state for its impeccable record in maintaining law and order. "He demanded Rs 1,000 crore as peace bonus, citing the absence of insurgency, hostility and violence on the basis of caste, creed and religion during his tenure," said the journalist.


Sikkim has been demanding peace bonus for a long time now, but the Centre has remained mute to it. Mizoram was the first state to be given peace bonus way back in 2000 for being the most peaceful state in the otherwise trouble-torn north-east.


Centre kept us in dark on Doklam: Chamling
Shiv Sahay Singh

GANGTOK, AUGUST 20, 2018

Says people in Sikkim are now living in fear of a war

Observing that the people of Sikkim are “living in fear” because of the stand-off in Doklam between India and China, Sikkim Chief Minister Pawan Chamling on Monday said the Centre had kept the border State in the dark on the issue.
Pawan Chamling with Mamata Banerjee - a file photo

“Nobody has consulted us, neither the Centre nor the Army has told us anything about the situation. Whatever we get to know about Doklam is from newspaper reports,” Mr. Chamling told a group of journalists from the Kolkata Press Club.
“Here in Sikkim, we live with the Doklam issue. There is a fear psychosis among the people. We are afraid of the situation,” Mr. Chamling said.

He said the people feared a war with China, and referred to Kupup, the last inhabited village in Sikkim, about 30 km from Doklam.

“We want good relations between India and China. The State government and the people of Sikkim have shown their love for the country and have worked for the interest of India,” he said. On a solution to the issue, he said the Centre knew best.

Mr. Chamling said he had tried to shield the State from external disturbances, whether from Maoism in Nepal or the Gorkhaland agitation in Darjeeling. He said he wanted peace in Darjeeling, and supported the stand of West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee.

“We want to join Mamata Banerjee and contribute to the prosperity of Darjeeling,”. In 2017, the West Bengal government had accused Sikkim of giving shelter to Gorkha Janmukti Morcha leader Bimal Gurung..


Via The Hindu


NRC Issue - Congress MP writes to Home Minister Rajnath Singh

7:12 PM
‘1 lakh Gorkhas of Assam not in list’

Expressing concern over the “non-inclusion of genuine Indian citizens of the Hindi- and Bengali-speaking community” in the final draft of NRC of Assam, Congress Lok Sabha MP and the party’s observer in West Bengal Gaurav Gogoi has written to Home Minister Rajnath Singh.

Mr. Gogoi has urged the Home Minister to include documents like ‘grazing permits’ and ‘Khuti permits’ in the prescribed lists of documents for the NRC that will help indigenous Gorkha Community.

“These documents, though not listed in the prescribed documents’ list, will help genuine Indian citizens of the indigenous Gorkha community to prove their permanent resident status before 1971,” Mr. Gogoi said, adding that around 1 lakh indigenous Gorkhas of Assam found their names excluded in the final draft of the NRC. Representatives of the Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh, a non-political organisation, had met Mr. Gogoi earlier this month and informed him about a “sizeable number of Gorkha population” being left out.

Recently, leaders of both rival factions of the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha ( GJM) — Bimal Gurung and Binay Tamang — had warned of mass protests if the interests of Gorkhas were ‘undermined’ due to the NRC update.

Via The Hindu

Bimal Gurung faction leader Suraj Subba arrested

8:49 PM
Suraj Subba, the former general secretary of the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha's trade union, was arrested on Monday in connection with the 2017 June 8 clash that triggered the last round of the statehood agitation in the hills.

He was the general secretary of the Terai Dooars Plantation Labour Union before Binay Tamang took charge of the Morcha.
Bimal Gurung faction leader Suraj Subba arrested

"Subba was directly involved in the incident that occurred on June 8, 2017 and in mobilisation (of supporters) to commit crimes during the agitation. He was arrested on Monday," said a police officer.

Once Binay Tamang took charge of the Morcha in November last year, Subba was removed from the post. He had been the general secretary of the union since the Morcha was formed in 2007.

Assistant public prosecutor Pankaj Prasad said Subba had been remanded in judicial custody for 14 days.

[Via:TT]

गोर्खा जनमुक्ति युवा मोर्चा उपाध्यक्ष दिपेन माले बाट केही शब्द आलोक कान्त मणी थुलुंग लाई

3:24 PM
"आलोक कान्त मणी थुलुंग, मेरो प्रेस रिलिजमाथि तिम्रो भिडियो बयान हेरें| समयले तिमीलाई फरेबी राजनीति निकै सिकाएछ| भिडियोमा तिम्रो गोर्खाल्याण्ड प्रेम पनि देखें| शहीदको रगत बेचेर किनेको निलो पारी भएको सेतो लुगाले छोपेको तिम्रो गोर्खाल्याण्ड तिमीलाई मुबारक छ |

तिमीले विकासको कुरा गरेछौ| राम्रो लाग्यो| छिमेकी राज्य सिक्किममा हाम्रोभन्दा आधा जनसंख्या भएको ठाउँमा यो वर्ष पारित बजेट ७०५१.०९ करोड़ हो अनि तिम्रो जोजोको कुर्सीले थाप्ने प्लान बजेट ३५६ करोड़ अनि नन-प्लान बजेट २९८.१० करोड़ हो| तिमी अझै कति दिन विकासको नाममा सुगा रटाई बोलिरहन्छौ आलोक? आफ्नै राज्य हुँदा विकास गर्नु तिमीलाई के ले रोक्छ? आफ्नै राज्यमा आउने बजेटले कति विकास गर्नु सकिन्छ भन्ने सोचेको छौ? हिसाब लगाएको छौ?
Bimal Gurung

हाम्रो चियाबारीको श्रमिकलाई भएको ज्यालाको अन्याय तिम्रो विकासले पुरा गर्छ? आफ्नै राज्य हो भने उनीहरूको आँशु पुछ्न सकिन्छ कि सकिन्दैन भन्ने कुरा सोचेको छौ?

दार्जीलिंगको हिलोसरीको सडक त टाल्नु पुग्दैन कलकत्ते बजेटले तिमीलाई गाउँको बिकासको बजेटको कुरा गर्नु लाज लाग्दैन?

फेसबुकमा आन्दोलन हुँदैन भन्छौ अनि मेरो एउटा प्रेस विज्ञप्तिलाई १९ मिनट जवाब पनि दिन्छौ, आफै अझै कतिदिन जनता अघि जोकर हुने? मैले प्रेस विज्ञप्ति लेखेको होइन भनेछौ, यसलाई हिन्दीमा खिसियानी बिल्ली खम्बा नोचे भन्छ| मतलब विज्ञप्तिले तिमीहरूलाई हल्लाएछ| यो त हल्लिनुको शुरूवात हो| हामीले एक वर्ष चुपचाप बसेर हाम्रै कमि-कमजोरीहरू केलायौं, अध्ययन गर्यौं, पड़्यौं|  अहिले तिमीहरूलाई पड़्दैछौं| हामी जुन दिन आउँछौं, तिमीहरूले जनतालाई भ्रममा राखेर, आतंकित बनाएर गरेको जाति विरोधी क्रियाकलापको पाई-पाई हिसाब बोकेर आउनेछौं|

 झण्डाको कुरामा तिम्रो जवाबले तिमीलाई नै गिज्याउँदैछ| आग्सुबाट श्री रोशन गिरी, पुरण थामी, सुरज सुब्बाहरू पोस्ट होल्डर फाउन्डरहरू हुन्| झण्डा मेरो सोच हो भनेर मेरो विज्ञप्तिमा भनेको छुइन| हो म ७  अक्टोबर २००७ -को दिन पार्टी लन्च हुँदा पोख्रेबुंगको युवाहरूसँग आएर समर्थन जनाएको हो अनि मलाई अध्यक्ष विमल गुरुङले झण्डा दिएको हो| म पछिबाट आएको हो, तर  इमान्दार भएर आएको हो| गद्दार बन्नुलाई त शुरूमा नै आएर पनि के भो र? यो झण्डा हाम्रो सोच होइन तर विमल गुरुङको भने अवश्य हो| तिमीले भने जस्तो त्यो समय विमल गुरुङलाई हजारौं जनताको समर्थन थियो| तर पार्टी र झण्डा बनाउने सोच र आँट केवल विमल गुरुङसँग थियो| के त्यही आँट र सोच जातिको हीतमा तिमीहरुसँग, विनय-अनितसँग छ? मेरो प्रश्न भनेको त्यति नै हो|

आज तिमीले बोल्दै गरेको भिडियो भविष्यमा तिम्रै नाति-पनातिले हेरेर घृणा नगरोस् भन्ने चाहन्छु|

तिम्रो भिडियो बयान हेर्दा भोलि एमपी चुनावमा तिमीहरूले पनि आफैले घाँटी रेटेर मरणासन्न बनाएको घाइते गोर्खाल्याण्डलाई देखाएर भोट माग्ने रहेछौ| गोर्खाल्याण्ड देखाएर राजनीति गर्नुछ भने पहिला त्यसको घाउको उपचार गर| गोर्खाल्याण्डको शत्रुसँग स्टेज र कुर्सी सेयर गर्नु छोडीदेउ| सत्ताको लालचलाई त्यागेर हामीसंग आयौ भने तिम्रो दश गल्ति माफ गरौंला| हामीले त मित्रताको कारणले गल्ति माफ गर्न सक्छौं तर समयले माफी दिंदैन| आलोक, कन्फ्युज भएको छौं भनेर तिमीले भिडियोमा भनेकै रहेछौ, अहिले नै धेरै लामो सोच है| कन्फ्युज भएर बस्नु राम्रो होइन ल|"

दिपेन माले
उपाध्यक्ष, गोर्खा जनमुक्ति युवा मोर्चा
केन्द्रिय समिति, दार्जीलिंग|
 
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