Showing posts with label gorkhaland. Show all posts
Showing posts with label gorkhaland. Show all posts

Gorkhaland, a demand whose time has come

5:12 PM
Gorkhaland, a demand whose time has come: Demand of the sons of the soil and the myths that tarnish the movement

When Jamyang Tsering Namgyal of Ladakh gave one of the most passionate, factual and heart-breaking accounts of how Article 370 had kept the people of Ladakh deprived, discriminated against and treated as a second class citizens, he forced people across India and the world to take note. Far away from Ladakh from where he belongs, or Delhi where he was giving his speech, people in the Eastern Himalayan region of Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars were glued onto their TVs. For us here in Darjeeling region, Jamyang wasn’t just describing the pathos of Ladakh, he was resonating each and every sentiment that we the people aspiring for Gorkhaland statehood have felt and lived through in West Bengal.
Gorkhaland
Gorkhaland 

‘Gorkhaland’ the very name evokes strong sentiments – from a motley crew of passionate supporters to very dedicated gang of opposers, to a vast majority of well-meaning but clueless neutrals who irrespective of their understanding of the issue or absolute lack of it, comment on it passionately.

Trying to explain the nuances of the demand for a ‘Gorkhaland state’ individually is very difficult, which is why it is imperative to explain the finer details of Gorkhaland demand in detail.

I am basing this article on a Q and A format so that everyone reading the article will find it easy to understand the issue in depth.

Everyday Identity Blues:

Curious stranger: Hi! You look a little strange…Where are you from? Nepal?

Me: India

Curious stranger: Let me guess… North East

Me: Darjeeling

Curious stranger: Oh! It’s in Nepal no?

Me: No, it’s in West Bengal

Curious stranger: Nice! So you are a Bong? Do you speak Bengali?

Me: No, I am a Gorkha, and our lingua franca is Nepali.

Curious stranger: Huh! So you immigrated to India?

Me: No, I was born here

Curious stranger: When did your family come to India?

Me: We didn’t immigrate, we came with the land. We are indigenous to the land.

Curious stranger: Like… seriously?

Me: Yeah! Like very very seriously.

On and on, every day we the Gorkhas have to face one set or other of these series of questions. Our children and youth who have to leave home for study and work grow up with this “crisis of identity” where we have to assert and reassert our Indian-ness day in and day out.

In the plainest of terms, the demand for Gorkhaland state is an attempt on the part of people from Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars to do away with this “crisis of identity” that Gorkhas across India have and have had to face and to assert our Indian Identity. So when Jamyang spoke of the people of Ladakh wanting to become Indian for over 70-years, we here in Darjeeling absolutely understood what he meant. He was, in more ways than he knew to narrate our plight.

I hope the following series of Q and A will help many of you understand the demand and its implications.

Is ‘Gorkhaland’ a demand for separation from India?

Foremost, let us all be clear about one thing – the demand for Gorkhaland is not a demand for separation from India. It is a demand for the formation of a separate state within the constitutional and geographical contours of India. Much like how Jharkhand, Uttarakhand, Chattisgarh, Telangana were formed, people living in Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars have been demanding the formation of a separate state called Gorkhaland, away from West Bengal.

What areas are being demanded as Gorkhaland?

The aspired Gorkhaland region comprises of the districts of Darjeeling, Kalimpong, and parts of Alipurduars and Jalpaiguri.

Is there any historical context to these particular areas being demanded as Gorkhaland?

The History of Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars is distinguished by one peculiar aspect – it has always been in a state of flux. Given its geostrategic location, this region was a hotly contested landmass between Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim, and Tibet. For centuries the dominant kingdom among these four took control of this region.

From 1662 until 1777 this region was under the Kingdom of Sikkim; however, in 1777 Nepal Army had defeated the King of Sikkim and established their dominance in this region. In 1816 the British Army defeated the Nepal Army, after which they took over and handed over these lands to the King of Sikkim as a gesture of friendship.

In 1835 the Brits took these lands on lease from the King of Sikkim to establish a sanatorium but ended up establishing their military garrison here. By the year 1866, the British had annexed the present day of Kalimpong and Doors from Bhutan following the defeat of Bhutan in the Anglo-Bhutan war of 1865, they then added this newly annexed area to the existing Darjeeling district – which we today know as Darjeeling Hills, Terai and Dooars.

It is these areas that never shared any history with Bengal, which the people here are demanding to be formed into a state called Gorkhaland.

Who are Gorkhas in the Indian context?

The ‘Gorkhas’ in the Indian context are Indian citizens of Nepali ethnicity, who live across the length and breadth of India. The term ‘Gorkha’ in the Indian context is used to differentiate the Indian citizens of Nepali ethnicity from the citizens of Nepal, who prefer to be called ‘Nepalese.’

Did the Gorkhas immigrate to India?

Majority of the people who identify themselves as ‘Gorkhas’ in India are sons and daughters of the soil, and their forefathers ‘came with the land.’ They did not immigrate to India. However, it is well recognized that there are many immigrants from Nepal, who have also settled in India, post-independence.

What do you mean by ‘came with the land’?

The Nepali kingdom in the 17th and 18th Century was spread all over the Himalayas. In the year 1777, Nepal had appropriated the Kingdoms of Sikkim, Kumaon, Garhwal and Kangra. However, following the Anglo-Nepal war of 1814-1816, Nepal agreed to cede most of the Terai region, the lands of Sikkim, Kumaon, Garhwal and Kangra to the British through the Treaty of Sugauli (Sugauli Sandhi), which was signed on 4 March 1816. After the Anglo-British war of 1865, the British appropriated the lands that are today known as Kalimpong and Dooars. Therefore, all the people of Nepali, Sikkimese, Tibetan and Bhutanese origin who were living in these tracts automatically came under the British and subsequently under India (after the British left), hence the term – ‘came with the land.’

Were there ‘Gorkhas’ in Darjeeling region prior to the British coming to India?

Recorded history shows that the region was inhabited as early as the 9th century. When Guru Padmasambhava had passed through this region in the 9th century, he had established Buddhism in the region – which indicates the presence of people living in the areaway, before the British ever landed in Asia.

In the Indian context, the word ‘Gorkha’ is an umbrella term used to identify a varied group of people, as one unified entity. In terms of Darjeeling communities such as the Róng – Lepchas, the Tsong – Limbus, the Kirat – Rai, the Dukpas, the Bhutias and the Magars are the aboriginal/ethnic/native people of the region, who constitute a large chunk of the ‘Gorkha’ people living in the Darjeeling region. Hence, it can be safely said that the majority of the ‘Gorkhas,’ who belong to these communities and are living in Darjeeling, ethnic to the region.

In addition, other groups of people such as the Gurungs, Thapas, Chettris, Newars, Sunwars, Bahuns, Kamis, Damais, Sarkis, Bhutias, Thamis etc, traversed these lands for trade or settled here following wars. For instance, the establishment of the Kingdom of Sikkim in 1642 brought in a large Bhutia population from Tibet and Bhutan into the region. Similarly, the Nepali incursions starting from as early as the 1700s brought many present-day Nepalis to the region.

While kingdoms changed, the people remained.

Over centuries the people from this region could be broadly categorized as – Nepali, Bhutia, Lepcha, Dukpa, Tsong, Rai, Magar of the hills, and Nepali, Dukpa, Koche (Rajbanshi), Meche, Rabha, and Toto of the plains.

Later Adivasis were brought in from Chota-Nagpur plateau to work in the tea gardens of Dooars, then Bengalis and another mainland Indians gradually came and settled in the region.

Around the 1890s the dominant Nepali-Bhutia-Lepcha groups subsumed the rest of the hill tribes into their fold and a unified identity “NeBuLa” was used to define the hill people. In Darjeeling, this gradually metamorphosed into the term “Gorkha”.

Hence, one can safely concur that the ‘Gorkha’ presence far supersedes the British arrival in the region.

It is important to note that today, the term ‘Gorkha’ is used to indicate people who are from this region – which today includes everyone from Bengali Gorkha, Bihari Gorkha to Marwari Gorkha etc.

When was the demand for Gorkhaland first raised?

The first demand for a separate administrative unit for the Darjeeling-Dooars region (a la Separate State in today’s term) was first raised by the Hillmen’s Association in 1907, making the demand for a separate state constituting the Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars region the oldest demand for statehood in India.

Why did the British not entertain this demand?

The only reason as to why such a demand was not entertained by the then British Government is because the Darjeeling and Dooars region was a highly contested geographical region which they had taken on lease from Sikkim and Bhutan. The British had declared our region to be a “non-regulated area”, which meant that the rules and laws developed for the rest of India would not be automatically applied to the region.

What historical claims does West Bengal have over the Darjeeling-Dooars region?

Ironically None! There is no shared history between the Darjeeling-Dooars region and the rest of West Bengal.

Historically, the district of Darjeeling never formed a part of Bengal and no King who ruled the plains of Bengal ever had any suzerainty over those areas. Ethnologically, the Mongoloid and semi-Mongoloid races inhabiting the Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars have more affinity with the Hill tribes of Assam than with the people in the plains of Bengal. Geographically the district of Darjeeling, Kalimpong, Alipurduar, Jalpaiguri and Cooch Behar are completely cut off and distinctly different from the rest of West Bengal. Linguistically, the people residing in this region have a greater affinity with Hindi, the Lingua Franca of India, than with the state language Bengali

Why is Darjeeling a part of West Bengal?

Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars were forcefully included into West Bengal without any consultation with the local populace using two flimsy acts enacted by WB Legislative Assembly:

The Requisitioned Land (Apportionment of Compensation) Act, 1949 (51 of 1949). Darjeeling District – transformed to the Absorbed Areas(Laws) Act, 1954.

The West Bengal Raw Jute Futures Act, 1948 (West Bengal Act No. 25 of 1948)

Why are people in Darjeeling demanding Gorkhaland?

The demand for a separate administrative unit (a separate state in today’s term) for the Darjeeling region had started as early as 1907. However, the influx of Bangladeshi refugees starting in 1965 and later state-sponsored illegal immigrants from Bangladesh post-1971 for vote bank by subsequent West Bengal governments led to the marginalization of the ethnic Gorkha, Kamtapuri and the Adivasi communities of the region. The demand for Gorkhaland is a demand to protect the identity, culture, history, traditions and the rich bond of people from the Darjeeling region, which they share with their land.

Furthermore, the Gorkhas from the Darjeeling region have continued to be labelled by the fascist and state-sponsored Bengali organizations such as Bangla O Bangla Bhasa Bachao Samity, Amra Bangali, Jan Jagaran Morcha, Jan Chetna Morcha as illegal immigrants and the demand for Gorkhaland illegal. They have rendered the ethnic Gorkha people as an intruder in his/her own ancestral lands. This has caused widespread socio-economic and political marginalization of the Gorkhas. All these factors have resulted in the Gorkhas being under-represented, stereotyped and communally discriminated in almost all sectors.

Moreover, Bengal has always been colonial in its approach to this region. The large revenues collected from the Darjeeling region have been used to develop other parts of Bengal while neglecting even the basic infrastructure in the region.

Case in point: Since the year 2002, over 3000 malnutrition-related death (death due to starvation) have been reported from the tea gardens of this region and yet the West Bengal government has not taken any steps to alleviate the sufferings of the people in the region. Instead, they have continued to deny the tea garden workers minimum wages.

Is the proposed Gorkhaland region economically viable?

The proposed Gorkhaland region is rich in bio-diversity, scenic views, hydro potentials, tourism, NTFP, Tea and numerous other resources, making this a resource-abundant region.

Currently, the aspired Gorkhaland region contributes to the least 20-23% of the total revenue collected in West Bengal. Even the most conservative estimates put the revenue potential from tea, tourism and hydro from the proposed Gorkhaland area at over 20,000 Crores per annum. In return, West Bengal only spends around Rs 5000 crores in the region annually (including salary paid to Govt officials). Thus, draining off a large portion of the revenue collected from the region.

It is estimated that the revenues from Tea and Tourism alone will make the proposed Gorkhaland region a revenue surplus state.

The revenues collected from hydro development, NTFP, cross-border trades and other resources will make the proposed state of Gorkhaland as one of the most economically vibrant states in India.

What is Chicken Neck region and how will Gorkhaland impact the National Security or our nation?

Darjeeling district is home to the proverbial “chicken neck” region, a roughly 200-km stretch which borders four nations — Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Tibet — in distances varying from 25 kms to 60 kms. It has seen a large-scale influx of illegal migrants from Bangladesh, which started as a trickle in 1965 and turned into a gushing torrent post the 1971 Indo-Pakistan war, that lead to the creation of Bangladesh.

The ‘Siliguri Corridor’ has today become one of the most porous border regions in the world, and Pakistan’s ISI has used this to operate its agents freely. In fact, in 2002, the writer Pinaki Bhattacharya had highlighted how the ISI was using the ‘Siliguri Corridor’ as a supply route to provide arms and ammunition via Bangladesh to insurgents in the North East. Following investigations into the Burdwan bomb blast, in May 2015, the National Investigating Agency released a report that explained how Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) had networks in West Bengal and lower districts of Assam, and that JMB had been using West Bengal as a safe sanctuary.

Given all this, if there is one state in India which is actually a safe haven for terrorists, it is West Bengal, and if the state government was capable of addressing national security concerns, it would have done so a long time ago. The presence of ISI modules and terrorists of the various ilk in Bengal actually prove that the state government in Bengal isn’t able to protect the vulnerable “chicken neck” area.

One possible reason for this could be that the state capital and its power centre, Kolkata, is located too far away from the region, because of which the state administration isn’t able to focus much on the north Bengal districts.

A state of Gorkhaland, including the hills of Darjeeling, Terai and Dooars, would, therefore, help ensure better safety and security for the “chicken neck” area. Smaller states are also easier to govern and the presence of the entire state machinery being in one region would help keep close tabs on infiltrators, unlike what is possible out of Kolkata.

Why is West Bengal opposed to the formation of Gorkhaland?

The state of West Bengal is one of the most economically backward states in India. Even though it is the 5th largest in terms of its size, but due to the high debt burden of over Rs. 4.35 lakh Crores, West Bengal is practically bankrupt and is highly dependent on the Central Government and the revenues generated from the proposed Gorkhaland region for its sustenance and economic survival.

So despite all the rhetoric stating, “Darjeeling is Bengal’s Abhinno Aanga,” Bengal is scared of losing its hen, which is currently laying the golden eggs. It is scared of losing the cash cow that has continued to discount the development of Bengal’s other regions over and over since independence.

Further, Bengal has always held a parochial, colonial and discriminatory attitude towards the proposed Gorkhaland region and continues to do so. Every time the Gorkhas have demanded justice or our rights, we are labelled as intruder, terrorists, and foreigners in our own land.

Hence the urgent need for Gorkhaland state to be formed.

We are hopeful that someday soon, our Member of Parliament from Darjeeling will also be able to speak with the same passion and emotion that Jamyang Tsering Namgyal did and tell the nation how the formation of Gorkhaland state or Union Territory will benefit mother India.

** This article was written by Mr Upendra Mani Pradhan, a Darjeeling-based Political Analyst [Twitter: @jorebungley] and co-authored by Dr Vimal Khawas, an Associate Professor in the Dept of Peace and Conflict Studies, Sikkim University [Twitter: @vimalkhawas]

[ Via: https://www.opindia.com/2019/08/gorkhaland-a-demand-whose-time-has-come-demand-of-the-sons-of-the-soil-and-the-myths-that-tarnish-the-movement/ ]

No matter who loses, we, the Gorkhas, have already won

8:05 AM
Writes: Upendra

In the 2019 elections, Darjeeling Lok Sabha seat is being viewed by almost everyone interested in politics as a litmus test to adjudge if the Gorkha aspirations of having a state of our own will prevail, or if the iron will of TMC chief Mamata Banerjee to obliterate the demand forever will deal a crushing blow to the same.

In the muddled regional political atmosphere, which has gone topsy-turvy post the 2017 Gorkhaland agitation, it would take a political analyst of superhuman powers to predict who will win the seat. While the BJP sounds hopeful of retaining the seat, TMC is confident they will wrestle the seat away from the BJP, which has held the seat for 10-long-years, and has nothing to show for it. Chequering the political equation further is the lack of a strong regional political party that could decisively swing the elections one way or the other.

Currently, for me though, no matter which candidate loses, the Gorkhas have already won, and here’s why.

2017: The game changer

Not many may be aware that till date, Nepali – a language, which is one of the recognised national languages of India, and is included under the 8th Schedule of our Constitution, is not included as an optional paper in the West Bengal Civil Services (WBCS). While one can choose Nepali as an optional paper in the IAS exams, its non-inclusion was highlighted repeatedly in West Bengal Legislative Assembly, yet the powers that be have continued their defiant stand against Nepali language inclusion in WBCS.
These are copies of the same textbook -- same class, same subject. While the copy on the left, for Nepali medium schools, is printed in black and white, the right is for Bengali medium schools, printed in colour
File image

Instances of textbooks published by the West Bengal Secondary School Board discriminating against Nepali language have been reported in local media over the years. The most blatant of all being a Nepali medium book being printed in black and white, whereas books in other languages were printed in colour. After the failure of Gorkhaland agitation in 2013, the Trinamool Congress government had increasingly shown their disdain towards Nepali language, and there was a growing resentment against the same.

On May 15, 2017, West Bengal education minister Partha Chatterjee made an announcement that “the government [of WB] will introduce three-language policy, the students will have to take Bengali compulsory as one of the three languages”.

This same fact was reiterated by Mamata herself in a Facebook post dated May 16.

The Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars, which have a very cosmopolitan mixture of Gorkhas – Nepali, Lepcha, Bhutia – Adivasis, Rajbonshis, Rabha, Toto, Mech, Bengali, Bihari, Marwari, Punjabi and almost every other major ethnic groups from various parts of India erupted in protests. Leading the protests were the Gorkhas whose lingua franca is Nepali.

Gorkhaland agitation: A quick recall

Protests against attempt at linguistic imperialism on the part of TMC government quickly snowballed into a full-fledged demand for separate state of Gorkhaland. Even quicker was the response of the state machinery, which violently crushed the movement. The Gorkhas, who were demanding the formation of a Gorkhaland state within the geographic, political and constitutional contours of India, were labelled as separatists and terrorists. The administration even said those demanding Gorkhaland have linkages to militants in Northeast and Maoists in Nepal, they didn’t bother mentioning which faction, though.
Darjeeling residents take part in a protest against, what they call, linguistic imperialism

Towards the end of September 2017, the Gorkhaland statehood movement had died a natural death, with movement leaders choosing to go underground.

Ready at hand were second-rung leaders, who quickly stepped in to fill the void, not in leading the agitation for Gorkhaland statehood, but in handling the local Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA) on behalf of the West Bengal government.

Since then, there have been attempts at completely subverting any and all forms of expressing of the Gorkha identity issue in the region.

As all of this was unfolding BJP and its entire leadership, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi preferred to keep a safe distance from the entire issue, and didn’t even utter a single word of sympathy, solidarity, support or outrage. It was almost like, for BJP, the perils facing Gorkhas was an unpleasant distraction, they could very well do without.

The Congress and CPI (M), the other two main political parties in the region, did make some noise about everyone coming to the table and indulging in a dialogue to resolve the impasse, both were functionally indifferent towards the plight and sufferings of the Gorkhas.

Time and tide

But the Gorkhas are a hardy bunch, and we endured all the hardships, with a smile on our lips and hope in our hearts.

Today, as the election comes knocking at the door, lo and behold, the Gorkhas are a priority for all the political parties. Every major political party is trying their best to reconnect with the Gorkhas, whom they had, for all intent and purpose, forsaken and left for dead only a year ago.

Today, three among the four major political parties have nominated a Nepali speaking individual as their candidate for the Darjeeling Lok Sabha seat. BJP has nominated Raju Bista, CPI (M) has nominated Saman Pathak, and Trinamool Congress has nominated Amar Singh Rai. Congress has nominated Sankar Malakar, who by the virtue of being a bhoomiputra from Darjeeling Lok Sabha constituency is fluent in Nepali. In fact on his very day after being given the Congress ticket, he headed to Kurseong and interacted with the locals, reminding them of TMC atrocities and BJP betrayals in the language majority of the people in the region speak – Nepali.

Raju Bista is a political novice, but what swung BJP ticket in his favour was his Indian Gorkha heritage. The BJP is hoping that his ‘Gorkhaness’ will rub off against the unpopular anti-Gorkha stand of TMC during the Gorkhaland agitation in the region and help their candidate to shine. Their secret weapon, his mother tongue, is the same that of the shared lingua franca of our region – Nepali.

Saman Pathak comes with years of experience in politics; in fact, he is one of the most experienced candidates around. His father, Anand Pathak, too, has represented Darjeeling Lok Sabha seat in Parliament, and he was himself a member of Rajya Sabha previously. His mother tongue, too, is Nepali.

As for Trinamool Congress, which wanted to impose Bengali across West Bengal, they didn’t move even a single paper in that regard after the protests against their attempted linguistic imperialism broke out in Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars. What is almost ironic is that TMC that brutally crushed down the demand for a land of our own is desperately trying to project their candidate Amar Singh Rai as a son-of-the soil Bhoomiputra. The very same TMC that had labelled Gorkhas as being separatists and terrorists, is today talking about protecting the IDENTITY of the Gorkhas.

The Gorkhas have endured, now it’s time to thrive

From my count, we, the Gorkhas, have endured all that the time, government, system and bureaucracy had thrown our way, and survived. We are still Gorkhas – unchanged, and our indomitable spirit remains unconquered. Every political party that had sought to crush us, that had been indifferent towards our plight, that had been apathetic to our distress, that had been unconcerned towards our misery and suffering are today pandering to us.

For me, this is a win

We, the Gorkhas, have survived, and no matter who loses the upcoming elections or wins, we shall thrive.

(Upendra M Pradhan is a Darjeeling-based political analyst and editor-at-large at The Darjeeling Chronicle. He can be reached at pradhanum@gmail.com)

Source - https://www.eastmojo.com/opinion/2019/04/09/no-matter-who-loses-we-the-gorkhas-have-already-won

गाेर्खाल्याण्ड : भुसभित्रकाे अागाे

10:13 PM
हालै एउटा समसामयिक पत्रिकामा प्रकाशित एउटा लेख।

                             
   ।। गाेर्खाल्याण्ड : भुसभित्रकाे अागाे ।।
                                                                                                     ✍ पुरण छेत्री

बर्ष २०१७, दार्जिलिङबासीहरूले कहिल्यै भुल्न नसकिने बर्ष भएर गए। करिब एक चाैथाई बर्ष दार्जिलिङले हडतालमै बिताए। कतिले यी सबै घटनाहरू भुले तर बिनय - अनितलाई भने याे अान्दाेलन ढकमक्क फूले।

अलिकति पृष्ठभूमि :

१६ मई २०१७ मा बंगालका शिक्षा मन्त्री पार्थ च्याटर्जीले राज्यभरिनै कक्षा १ देखि १० सम्म बंगाली भाषा अनिवार्य भएकाे घाेषणा गरे। बर्षाै देखि अाफ्नाे जातिय सुरक्षाकाे प्रश्न लिएर अाफ्नाे छुट्टै राज्य हुनु पर्छ भन्ने भावना पालेर बसेका गाेर्खाहरूकाे मुटुमा याे घाेषणा काँडा भएर बिझे। १९८६ मा सुबास घिसिङकाे अान्दाेलनकालमा जन्मिएका बालक ३० बर्षकाे लक्का बेकारी जवान बनिसकेकाे अवस्थामा याे निर्णय बिकशित जातिले हामीमाथी जबर्जस्ती थाेपिएकाे निर्णय महशुस गरे। चारैतिरबाट यसकाे बिराेध हुन शुरू भयाे।

जुन ५, २०१७ मा बंगालका मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जी पहाड भ्रमनमा अाईन्। उनकाे भ्रमण अवधि मिरिक सौरेनीमा कालो झण्डा देखाउने वीर अान्दोलनकारी नाेलडाँडाका पूर्ण सिंह राईलाई अाधा घण्टा भित्रै पक्राउ गरिएकाे थियाे। यसरी शुरू भयाे २०१७ काे भाषा अतिक्रमण बिरूद्ध अान्दाेलन। पूर्ण सिंह राईनै २०१७ काे अान्दाेलनमा पक्रा पर्ने पहिलाे अान्दाेलनकारी हुन्। भारत जस्ताे विशाल गणतन्त्रमा अाफुलाई मन नपरेकाे कुराेकाे शान्तिपूर्ण ढंगमा बिराेध गर्न सकिन्छ। अन्य राज्यहरूमा भने थप्पड हान्ने, जुत्ता-चप्पलकाे झटाराे हान्ने, कलमकाे मसी छर्कने जस्ता घट्नाहरू भएका छन्। तर बंगालमा शासकदलकाे बिराेध गर्नुलाई राष्ट्रद्राेहनै मानिन्छन्। यसले बंगालकाे राजनैतिक संस्कार कतातिर लम्किरहेकाे छ भनेर अनुमान लगाउँन सकिन्छ।

अान्दाेलनका केही घटनाहरू:

जुन् ८,२०१७ मा पूर्व घाेषणा अनुरूप दार्जिलिङमा राज्यका मन्त्री परिषदकाे "क्याबिनेट स्तरीय" बैठक राज भवनमा चलिरहेकाे थियाे। गाेजमुमाेले साेही क्याबिनेटमा गाेर्खा बाहुल क्षेत्रहरूमा बंगाली भाषा "अनिवार्य" नरहने प्रस्तावना पास गराउँन दबाव दिईरहेकाे थियाे। क्याबिनेटमा साे बिषयकाे चर्चा नभए पनि मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीले सभा पश्चात, "पहाडमा बंगाली भाषा एच्छिक बिषय मात्र रहने" घाेषणा गरिन्। असन्तुष्ट प्रदर्शनकारीहरू र पुलिसमाझ भएकाे झडपले निकै ठुलाे रूप लिने छाँट देखे पछि सेना उतार्न परेकाे थियाे। पश्चिम बंगाल सरकारले साेहि दिन देखि, जी०ट०ए० चेयरम्यान बिमल गुरूङकाे सुरक्षा गार्ड फिर्ता लगे।

युवा माेर्चाकाे १२ घण्टा पहाड बन्दकाे घाेषणा, मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीकाे सिलगडी प्रस्थान र केही अागजनी घटनाहरू बिच, १३ जुनकाे दिन पहाडकाे राजनैतिक दलहरूकाे सभाले अब उसाे पुनः अलग राज्य गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे माग अघि बडाउँने प्रस्ताव पारित गरे। जीटीए संग असन्तुष्ट रहेका गाेजमुमाे प्रमुख बिमल गुरूङले "गाेर्खाल्याण्ड" मुद्दा यथावत राख्दै चुक्ती गरेकाले उक्त मागलाई फेरि अघि बढाउँन सकिने प्रशस्त ठाउँ थियाे। पहाडमा सबै भन्दा बलियाे र व्यापक जन समर्थन रहेकाे दल गाेजमुमाे रहेकाेले राज्य सरकारलाई अलग राज्यकाे अान्दाेलन तेज गराउँन सक्ने भय पनि गाेजमुमाेसंग नै थियाे।

२०१७ काे जुन १५ मा अचानक पुलिसले गाेजमुमाे कार्यलय र अध्यक्ष बिमल गुरूङकाे घरमा छापा मारे पछि, बिनय तामाङले "अनिश्चितकालीन बन्दकाे" घाेषणा गरे।

१७ जुनमा जनअान्दाेलन र गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे अान्दाेलन  शहिदहरूकाे रगतले रंगिए।
      - सहिद सुनिल राई, कैंजले
      - सहिद बिमल शासांकर, गाेक
      - सहिद महेश गुरूङ, रेलिङ

१८ जुनबाट सरकारले पहाडमा ईन्टरनेट बन्द गरिदिए। यसले अान्दाेलनकारीमाझ खवरकाे अादान प्रदानमा बाधा अायाे।

२० जुनकाे सर्वदलीय बैठक पछि, जीटीएका ४५ जना सभासदकाे राजिनामा, जीटीए खारेज अादीकाे प्रस्तावना हुुँदै अनिश्चितकालीन बन्द बिस्तारै १३ दिनमा प्रवेश गरे। गाेजमुमाेकाे प्रभावकारी कार्यक्रम र बंगाल सरकारलाई चाप दिने नीति अनुरूप तत्कालीन गाेजमुमाे  २७ जुनमा सह सचिव बिनय तामाङकाे अगुवाईमा २०११ मा गरिएकाे जीटीएकाे चुक्ती पत्र जलाईयाे।

जुलाई महिना भरि घरि केन्द्लाई रिझाउँने, घरि गाली गर्ने त कहिले राम्राे खवर अाउँने हल्लाहरू बिचदैनिक धर्ना र जुलुसहरू जारी रहे।

७ जुलाई जनअान्दाेलन र गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे अान्दाेलन  पुन: शहिदकाे रगतले रंगिए।
      - सहिद टाँसी भाेटीया, साेनादा

८ जुलाईमा जनअान्दाेलन र गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे अान्दाेलन  फेरि शहिदहरूकाे रगतले रंगिए।
      - सहिद सुरज भुसाल, तुङसुङ
      - सहिद समीर गुरूङ, सिंहमारी
      - सहिद अशाेक तामाङ, लुईस जुबली

१७ जुलाईमा जनअान्दाेलन र गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे अान्दाेलन  अझ शहिदहकाे रगतले रंगिए।
      - सहिद अाशिष तामाङ, मगरजुङ

अगस्त १३ मा केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्रीले डाकेकाे बैठकमा बिमल गुरूङ अनुपस्थित रहे। केन्द्रले डाकेकाे बैठकमा बिमल गुरूङले उपस्थिति नदिएर एउटा ठुलाे भुल गरि पठाए। भाजपाकाे घटक दलकाे रूपमा बिमल गुरूङलाई बैठकमा बाेलाईए पनि, GMCC ले नै अगुवा गर्न खाेजेकाे याे बैठकमा केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्रीले त्यति चासाे देखाएनन् र साेझै राज्यकाे मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जी संग कुरा गर्ने सुझाव दिए।

त्यसैलाई अाधार मानेर २४ अगस्तमा गाेरामुमाेकाे पक्षबाट वार्ताकाे निम्ति निरज जिम्बाले मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीलाई पत्राचार गरे।

२९ अगस्तकाे नवान्नकाे सर्वदलिय बैठक पछि, बिनय तामाङले १२ दिन अर्थात अघिल्लाे सभा सम्मकाे निम्ति बन्द स्थगित गर्ने सुझाव दिए।

३१ अगस्तमा पुनः एक सहिद
      - सहिद श्यामाला / प्रमिला राई, युथ हाेस्टेल

१ सितम्बरमा राेशन गिरीले, बन्द उठाउँनु जनअावाज बिरूद्ध रहेकाे ठहर गर्दै बिनय-अनित दुवैलाई दलबाट निकालिएकाे घाेषणा गरे। साेहिदिन सिक्किमकाे भुमीमै पसेर अर्का अान्दाेलनकारीलाई बंगाल पुलिसले सिकार गर।
      - सहिद दावा भाेटीया, पेदाेङ

१२ सितम्बरमा नवान्नमा हुने बैठकमा राज्यद्वारा बिनय-अनितलाईनै मान्यतादिने घाेषणा।

२० सितम्बरमा पश्चिम बंगालका मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीद्वारा बिनय तामाङलाई GTA काे BOA नियुक्त। बाेर्डमा अनित थापा, सन्चबिर सुब्बा, मन घिसिङ, मले दे (मुख्य सचिव), अमर सिंह राई (बिधायक), अनु छेत्री, ज्याेतिन खातुन अनि एल० बी० राई रहेकाे घाेषणा।

२२ सितम्बरमा केन्द्रीय वार्ता टाेलीका सदश्यहरू के० डी० प्रधान, पी० टी० अाेला अनि त्रिलाेक चन्द्र राेका गुडगाँव बाट पक्राउ गरियाे।

२६ सितम्बरमा केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्री राजनाथ सिंह द्वारा गाेर्खाल्याण्ड मुद्दा माथी सचिव स्तरिय वार्ता राख्ने निर्देश दिदै, गाेजमुमाेलाई अनिश्चितकालीन बन्द उठाउँने अपिल। केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्रीको वार्ताकाे पहल र अपिललाई सम्मान जनउँदै बिमल गुरूङद्वारा बन्द खाेलिएकाे घाेषणा।

२५ अक्टोबरमा पुलिस हिरासतमै रहेका र उपचाराधिन गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे अर्का वीर सिपाही सहिद। सम्पुर्ण पहाड शाेकाकुल।
      - सहिद बरूण भुजेल, पार्षद, कालेबुङ नगरपालिका ।

बंगला गितमा मनाएकाे भानु जयन्ती, जात-जातकाे बाेर्ड गठन, जिल्ला बिभाजन र बंगला भाषाकाे अनिवार्यताले सबै गाेर्खा सन्तानले जातिय असुरक्षा महशुस गरिरहेका थिए। विश्व भरि छरिएर बसेका गाेर्खाहरूले अान्दाेलनलाई समर्थन जनाई रहेका थिए।

बारम्बार पहाड शान्त छ भन्ने मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीकाे अालाेचनामा बिपक्षीहरू हात धाेएर लाग्न थाले। अाफ्नाे कार्यकालमा बंगालबाट अलग राज्य गाेर्खाल्याण्ड हुनुभनेकाे उनलाई बंगालकै ईतिहासले भाेली धिक्कार्नु हाे। बिपक्षीहरू यसै मुद्दालाई लिएर उनलाई सत्ताच्युत गराउँने ताकमा थिए। यस्ताेमा उनले जसरी भए पनि याे अान्दाेलन साम्य पार्नु थियाे। उनले लिएकाे कुनै पनि निर्णय बेसक बंगालकै हितमा हुनु पर्ने थियाे। उनले त्यसै गरिन् र बंगालकाे मुख्यमन्त्री हुनुकाे धर्म निभाईन्।

यता अान्दाेलनकारीहरू भने दिल्लीतिर हेर्दै कराई रहेका थिए। बंगाल सरकार संग वार्ता नगर्ने बिमल गुरूङकाे अडान स्पष्ट थियाे। यता अान्दाेलनकाे रूप दैनिक उग्र हुँदै गएपछि बंगाल सरकार अात्तिएकै अवस्थामा दिल्लीलाई गुहार मागे। केन्द्रीय  गृहमन्त्री राजनाथ सिंह र मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जी बिचकाे वार्ताले केन्द्रीय पुलिस बल दिएर बंगाललाई सहयाेग दिने वचन दिए। केन्द्रीय पुलिसबल अाए पछि अान्दाेलनकारीहरू शीत बंगाल सरकारकाे ब्यवहारनै बदलियाे।

यस अान्दाेलनमा सामुहिक नेतृत्व हुनु पर्छ भन्ने जाेर दिदै बिमल गुरूङलाई जीटीए त्याग्न भनियाे। जीएमसीसीकाे गठनले अान्दाेलनलाई थप उँचाई दिने अाशा गरिएकाे थियाे। प्रथम पंक्तिकाे नेतृत्वहरूकाे अभावमा जीएमसीसी लंगडाे मात्र हिड्याे। वास्तवमा प्रभावकारी कार्यक्रम दिन नसक्नुनै जीएमसीसीकाे असफलताकाे कारण रह्याे। बंगाललाई जसरी भए पनि अान्दाेलन साम्य पार्नु थियाे। साम, दाम, दण्ड र भेदकाे नीति लिएर अघि बडे। गाेरामुमाेबाट निरज जिम्बाले बिष पिएर लेखेकाे पत्र बंगालकाे निम्ति संजिवनी बुट्टी साबित भयाे।

अान्दाेलन पछिकाे अन्याेलता:

केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्रीको अाश्वासन पछि पहाड अन्यालग्रस्त बन्याे। बंगाल सरकारलाई अाच्छु-अाच्छु पारेकाे २०१७ काे अान्दाेलनकाे लाभ भन्दा धेरै हानीनै देखिन्छ। लगभग घुँडा टेकीसकेका बंगालका मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीकाे अन्तर्राष्ट्रियस्तरमा अालाेचनाहुन थालेपछि, बैठककाे निम्ति अाग्रह गरिरहेकी थिईन। भाषा विवादबाट शुरू भएकाे अान्दाेलन छुट्टै राज्यकाे मागमा रूपान्तर भए पछि बंगाल सरकार पनि असमंजसमा परेका थिए।

केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्रीले तृपक्षिय वार्ता राख्न सक्थे। देशकाे चार अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सिमाक्षेत्रमा पर्ने दार्जिलिङ असान्त हुनु भनेकाे देशकाे अान्तरिक सुरक्षाकाे बिषय थियाे। एउटा बिशुद्ध राजनैतिक मुद्दालाई राजनथ सिंहले कानुनी समस्या भनेर बताउन साथ गाेर्सखाकाे टाउकाेमा पुलिसकाे डण्ठा बजेन थाले।

देशकाे गृहमन्त्री, हाम्राे निम्ति कामै लागेनन्। बरू हाम्राे अान्दाेलन दबाउँन मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीलाई भरपुर सहयाेग गरे। स्वतन्त्र भारतकाे ईतिहासमा सबैभन्दा कमजाेर र डरछेरूवा गृहमन्त्री राजनाथ सिंह नै हुन्।

यसै अान्दाेलनले माटाे प्रेमी र चाैकि प्रेमी छुट्टीए यसकाे मुख्य लाभ भने बंगाल सरकारलाईनै भयाे।

२०१७ काे अगस्त महिनाकाे मध्यतिर अचानक एउठा बयान अायाे, "मलाई बङ्गाल सरकारसित मिलेर दार्जीलिङ र खरसाङका केही अवसरवादी नेताहरूले फसाउने षडयन्त्र गरिरहेका छन्। १०-१२ दिनमा उनीहरू को हुन्, म सार्वजनिक गर्नेछु।’

संसार भरि छरिएर बसेका गाेर्खाल्याण्ड समर्थकहरूकाे सहयाेग रहेकाे याे अान्दाेलनमा यस्ताे प्रकारकाे बयान अचानक अाउँनुले अाफैमा धेरै रहस्य बाेकेका थिएछन्। सम्पुर्ण गाेर्खाहरूकाे समर्थन रहेकाे साथै पहाड, तराई, डुवर्स एक भएकाे याे बृहत् अान्दाेलनमा यस्ताे कार्य कसले गर्लान् भनेर सायद कसैले पत्याएनन्। मैले पनि पत्याईंन त्यसबेला। तर बताउँनै परेन, समयले सबै कुराे उदाङ्गाे पारीदियाे।

अनिश्चितकालीन बन्द डाक्ने देखि जीटीएकाे चुक्ती पत्र जलाउँने सम्म गाेजमुमाे सह सचिव बिनय तामाङकाे भुमिका सराहनीय रह्याे। उनले अान्दाेलनलाई अाफै अघि अाएर नेतृत्व दिन खाेजेकाे दृश्यहरू जता ततै पाईन्छ। बंगाल सरकार संग मिलेर एक प्रकारले अान्दाेलन बिथाेलेकाे अाराेप लागे पनि वास्तवमा उनले गाेजमुमाेकाे सह-सचिव हुनुकाे धर्म वार्ता सम्म राम्रै निर्वाह गरे।

अान्दाेलनमा शिथिलता अाए पछि, एउटा अन्तरवार्तामा बिनय तामाङले भने, "बन्द यति लामाे हुन्छ भनेर मलाई थाहा थिएन"। यसरी नतिजा के हुन्छ भन्ने कुरा नबुझी बन्द डाक्ने नेताकाे पछि लागेर हामीले अनावश्यक दुःख पाएका थिएछाैं। अहिले अाएर बन्द डाक्ने मानिस नेता भएर मन्त्रीको अहाेदा पाएर गजक्क छन्। उनकाे अादेश मानेर बन्द गराउँनेहरू अदालतमा मुद्दा खेपिरहेका छन्। पुलिसले खेदिरहेका छन्।

क्रान्ति बिना मुक्ति हुँदैन। २०१७ काे जनअान्दाेलनले मुक्तिकाे मार्ग खाेजीरहेका थिए। अान्दाेलन साम्य भए पछि भने बिनय तामाङकाे भुमिका जनहित बिपरित देखिए। उनले बिमल गुरूङ गलत मार्गमा थिए भने, अान्दाेलनलाई त्यहिबाट उठाएर सहि दिशा दिनु पर्ने थियाे। बिनय - अनितले दिशा परिवर्तन गरेर बंगालतिर फर्किए । गाेर्खाकाे जातिय उन्मुक्तिकाे युद्धमा "मिरजाफरकाे" उपाधी लिएर भिखमा पाएकाे कुर्सीमा बिराजमान छन्। पुलिस- प्रशासनकाे अाडमा गरिएकाे कुट्नितीले जातिलाई कस्ताे निकाश दिने हाे हेर्न बाँकीनै छ। संसारमा कस्ता-कस्ता क्रुर शासकहरूकाे अन्त्य जनतालेनै गरेका छन्। दार्जिलिङ पनि अाखिर भुसभित्रकाे अागाेनै हाे, कहिले यसले बिकराल रूप लिनेछ, कल्पना बाहिरनै छ।

What Gorkha Youth Thinks

9:14 AM
Writes: Dibya Chhetri

Gorkhaland has again become the most popular topic for discussion with the upcoming Elections in April. At every corner, you can hear people discussing whose fault was it the last time and who is to be blamed. Having failed so many times, we have even stopped learning lessons from the past mistakes. We always find an excuse to blame someone and continue repeating the same mistakes time and again.

However we may want to believe, it has always been our lack of unity and integrity that is to blame.  It is us who split out because of petty differences and aspirations compromising the larger cause of the community. The sacrifices of the martyrs who died believing in Gorkhaland have been reduced to mere stories today. Blaming ‘THEM’ has become our culture today simply because it is easy. ’THEY did this to US’ is easier than saying ‘WE did it ourselves and rectify our actions.

Our refusal to introspect our actions have made it difficult for us to learn from the mistakes and take corrective measures. I certainly don’t believe that only protests and shutdowns Darjeeling or Delhi should be the first and easy alternative for us use. What we lack is honest people to represent our voice at all levels, a vision for the youth, and a willingness to change for better.


Let us look around us for a while, the youths are leaving the place for a better life outside in bigger cities. Hundreds others are neck-deep in alcohol and drug addiction. Those who want to work, don’t have the knowledge or resources to start something. With such situation at home, the only option we have left is to work in service of others. Perhaps we are happy doing the *ji saabji* and even used to it now. Of course, we sometimes get sentimental and cry victim when something unfortunate happens; but happy to narrate our glorious history when all other excuses fail.

Dear Gorkhas ,
Make sure people will know you by your present action and not by your history .
Be the sun that shines everywhere
Be it education, entertainment, sports, or politics
Business or social services
From dash to dash


Via thedarjeelingchronicle.com


GJM-Union Home Secretary Meet, Discuss Darjeeling Situation

9:06 PM
BREAKING: GJM-Union Home Secretary Meet, Discuss Darjeeling Situation

A meeting between the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) and the Union Home Secretary was was held today at the Chambers of Union Home Secretary at North Block in Delhi. The meeting was attended by Union Home Secretary and other MHA Officials on behalf of the government, and was lead by Mr. Lobsang Yolmo the former Gorkhaland Terrirorial Administration Chairman.

At the meeting, the GJM comprised of Shri Lopsong Yolmo, former Chairman, Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA), Lt Col (retd) Ramesh Allay, former deputy chief executive, GTA, Smt Sarita Rai, MLA, Kalimpong as well as central committee members of the party including Shri R Moktan, Smt Urmila Rumba, Smt Bandana Yonzone, Smt Minu Bhutia, Shri Bishal Chettri and Shri Bishal Lama, and Shri Anand Bhandari was present as the legal advisor.

In a Press release, GJM has said the main points discussed were as follows:

 1.   Need for finding a political solution to the long pending demands of Gorkhas and other people of Darjeeling, Kalimpong District, Terai and Dooars region at the earliest
  2.  The semi-autonomous bodies, earlier the DGHC and now the GTA, were failures and that only a permanent political solution would answer to the perennial political problem in the region.
    The delegation requested the home secretary that Government of India immediately commence a series of tripartite talks between the Government of India, Government of West Bengal and Gorkha Janmukti Morcha which will pave the way for finding a permanent solution to the long pending demand of the Gorkha people.
 3.   Introduce a bill in the upcoming winter session of parliament for inclusion of the 11 Gorkha Tribes for ST status for the 11 left out Gorkha tribes – Bhujel, Gurung, Mangar, Newar, Jogi, Khas, Rai, Sunwar, Thami, Yakkha and Dhimal into the Schedule Tribes of India list.
 4.   Constitute an Expert Committee to Study the Economic, Administrative and Political Viability of Gorkhaland State which will include the Darjeeling, Kalimpong, Terai and Dooars region
  5.  Create a conducive atmosphere in Darjeeling region so that proper dialogue could begin.
 6.   They said that an undeclared "police-raj" was imposed in Darjeeling, "where false and fabricated cases are/being slapped against anyone who is even remotely deemed of being supportive of the demand for Gorkhaland."
 7.   Transfer of all cases of bomb-blasts and arms recovery to the NIA, and has also sought an investigative inquiry under the Centre into all deaths during the Gorkhaland agitation.

    The union home secretary has inturn asserted that a fact finding team would be sent to Darjeeling and other places to look into charges of misuse of law and order machinary by the district administration and police.

The union home secretary further assured the GJM team that the home ministry would seek to hold a tripartite meeting after the Puja holidays. The meeting lasted for about a hour and was attended by other union home ministry officials.

Via The DC

A crisis within crisis: The fault line of India’s longest statehood demand- Gorkhaland

3:54 PM
By SHWETA RAJ KANWAR 

100 years and more, the longest statehood demand in India’s history, the demand for Gorkhaland has, many times reached its peak; and yet has always come tumbling down. Time and again, the unfulfilled aspirations have been doused by temporary promises and in 2017, the ‘Queen of Hills’ was under siege as Gorkhas all around the world stood in unison against this incessant predicament of proving their identity as Indian citizens. Despite dating back to 1907, why is it that the demand for Gorkhaland has fallen into deaf ears? Why is it that despite agitations and protests, the issue still lays unresolved, pushed into the corner of nothingness- like a dormant volcano that erupts from time to time, only to be silenced again. What is it that reignites this movement time and again at regular intervals and leaves it without any solution?
India’s longest statehood demand- Gorkhaland
India’s longest statehood demand- Gorkhaland

History of Gorkhaland demand

The demand for a separate administrative unit in Darjeeling has existed since 1907, when the Hillmen’s Association of Darjeeling submitted a memorandum to Minto-Morley Reforms demanding a separate administrative setup. Also, it may be mentioned that in 1947, the undivided Communist Party of India (CPI) submitted a memorandum to the Constituent Assembly demanding the formation of Gorkhasthan comprising Darjeeling District and Sikkim.

In the 1980s, under Gorkha National Liberation Front’s (GNLF) Subhas Ghising, the movement reached its peak. 1986-88 were on of the most violent years of protest: approximately 1,200 people died. The agitation ultimately led to the establishment of a semi-autonomous body in 1988 called the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) to govern certain areas of Darjeeling district. Eventually, Ghising faded from the limelight and in 2008, the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) began spearheading the movement. In 2011, GJM signed an agreement with the state and central governments for the formation of Gorkhaland Territorial Administration, another semi-autonomous body that replaced the DGHC in the Darjeeling hills.

The 2013 agitation was also one to remember wherein for the first time in 106 years, all the major political parties of the hills agreed to come together and jointly take the agitation forward. Even in 2017, the agitation bore no fruits. Protests first started on June 5, after the West Bengal government announced an intention that the Bengali language would be made mandatory in all schools across the state. People of Darjeeling and the adjoining areas who are predominantly Nepali speaking, saw this as an imposition of an alien culture upon them. Fuelled by the determination to preserve their own culture, identity and language, this protest soon turned into a full-fledged resurgence of the agitation for a separate state of Gorkhaland. July 30, 2017 saw the culmination of Gorkhas (and also some non-Gorkhas) all over the world taking part in a Global Rally for Gorkhaland. And as the Gorkha Global Rally completes a year in 2018, the issue still remains at large.

Where the problem lies
As is evident from history, agitations and semi-autonomous bodies have not been able to provide any respite to the Gorkhas’ demand. What is clearly lacking here is an accountable and transparent leadership- one that inspires not only a group of people but that which motivates everyone to come along with him/her and move forward for a common cause with renewed strategies and fresh perspectives.

On these lines, Shankar Pandey, a lawyer from Shillong opines, “Talking about leadership, accountable and transparent leadership is the need of the hour. It may be recalled that during Subhash Ghishing’s time, everybody looked up to him in the hope that he would give them Gorkhaland in a platter but the results proved otherwise. In 2017 again, it was the same state of affairs. However, a close look in the 2017 agitation will show a difference in strategic approach. It has been seen that people have learnt their lessons and GJM chief, Bimal Gurung was at the centre of the storm as people were on the lookout for accountability and transparency.”

It has been seen time and again that the major problem with Gorkhaland movement is the attitude of shifting responsibilities to one person or a group of people who display a level of ‘so-called’ leadership which is not even visible to common masses. It is significant to realise that the onus of Gorkhaland falls upon each and every Gorkha residing in any part of the world. Another major problem with the Gorkhaland demand is the presence of power corridor- A sense of democracy needs to be instilled in the minds of leaders.

“Gorkhaland is purely a matter of safeguarding identity”, Mr. Shankar adds. “When we compare the demand for Gorkhaland to those of Telangana, Uttarakhand and the likes, we see that the demand for these states was solely made from developmental point of view but this is definitely not the case with Gorkhaland. However, this does not mean that development is not a major factor in Darjeeling Hills, but identity is a primary force while all others feature subsequently”, he states.

The problem of identity crisis has been haunting the Gorkhas in India since times immemorial. Hence, this is not a fight for a separation from India but a fight of Indians to retain who they are!

Mr. Shankar makes an important point when he says, “The issue of identity can only be solved by statehood and not by any form of autonomous body of governance that has been seen as a solution to douse previous agitations. This is an attempt to dilute the greater demand”.

What is the solution?

“There is a need to set up a mass network of which each and every Gorkha can be part of a larger platform. The movement should not be confined to only the hills of Darjeeling but to all over India. Everybody should come together and take responsibility. There should be Gorkhaland campaigns and we should hold leadership accountable to us. There is no proper information dissemination. Knowledge is power and lack of knowledge makes the people and movement weak”, says Mr. Shankar.

The need for alternate leadership with young people from all fronts of life is the need of the hour. Youth should take up responsibility to cover up the limitations in the movement. A fresh approach is needed. Darjeeling is lagging behind in every front in terms of overall development as compared to other states of West Bengal which all the more justifies the need for demand of separate statehood.

It is a test of endurance and this is not the time to fade away into oblivion. This is infact the only movement that says that Gorkhas want to be part of India with an identity of their own. It is not about ‘Azaadi’ here, it is about ‘Identity’ while upholding the saying ‘Bharat Maata ki Jai!’

“Gorkhaland is not only about protests and agitation. It is time to understand that there are other more influential methods of demanding the same. It is high time we change our approach and work together smartly for a common cause. Even at the grassroot level, it is important for people to know what the movement is all about so that they can form opinions and work towards attainment of a larger cause. Ignorance in this case is definitely not bliss”, he adds

Founding Vice Chancellor of Sikkim University, Mahendra P Lama, while addressing a gathering in Shillong, Meghalaya on the Gorkhaland movement last year also drew focus to an important point when he said, “The problem of Gorkhaland does not belong to only Darjeeling alone but it is a national issue. The identity problem with Indian Gorkhas has increased manifold as we do not have a proper state representation”. Mr Lama was the pro vice chancellor of IGNOU and at the age of 45, he became the youngest vice chancellor of a central university in India.

He emphasises on the need to create a central committee to bring matters concerning all Gorkhas into the fray. For this, Mr. Lama stresses on the need for an organizational structure in the form of a central body that would overarch the national body and the inclusion of a national negotiating team as well. Following this, the next step would be to take the Gorkhaland issue to the National level with Parliamentary discussions on it. The issue should reach political parties, national civil society and other stakeholders including industrial and business houses.

He goes on to state that the orientation of the movement should undergo a major shift from emotional outpourings to more concrete discussions and debate. Tangible restructuring and reorientation of leadership pattern and political action should be carried out while also focusing more on central government to solve the issue rather than approaching the state government thereby confining the movement only to local fronts. It is important that a central committee should comprise of credible faces and influential minds so that the union government will take the plunge and be serious about negotiations.

Gaurav Lama, a supporter of Gorkhaland movement adds, “The movement in 2017 gained much more attraction due to social media. While it is good that the common man was honestly and strenuously involved, we must strive to strike deep into the BJP camp to make inroads. We must try to convince top BJP heads to push this matter forward.

The ruling government must prove to be more than just another power greedy party. They must come forth and stand by their promise of working on making Gorkhaland a reality. This can be achieved only if the senior BJP leaders are serious about Gorkhaland and if there are a bunch of people who shall talk to and remind the BJP senior hierarchy that they have their promises to keep.”

As is rightly said, “We have to tread the unorthodox path. A desperate situation requires a desperate solution”-Mahendra P.Lama

DISCLAIMER- The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the writer and the interviewees and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of TNT- The Northeast Today. Assumptions made within the analysis are not reflective of the position of TNT- The Northeast Today

The writer can be reached at shwetarajkanwar@gmail.com & shweta@thenortheasttoday.com

Via The Northeast Today

Bimal Gurung faction meets Rajnath, seeks panel on Gorkhaland

11:02 AM
KOLKATA: A six-member delegation of Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (Bimal Gurung faction) led by Darjeeling's BJP MP SS Ahluwalia met Home Minister Rajnath Singh in New Delhi on Tuesday and sought formation of a Central Government committee to look into the Gorkhaland statehood demand.

"GJM has been an alliance partner of BJP in NDA. In its manifesto for the last two general elections of 2009 and 2014, the BJP had stated that it will 'sympathetically examine and appropriately consider the long pending demand of Gorkhas and Adivasis'. We would therefore now appeal to you to take this assurance of the BJP forward through the Government by instituting an official committee to examine and appropriately consider the demand (of Gorkhaland)," read the letter by the GJM delegation to Singh.

"You are aware that you had been kind enough to issue a statement in September, 2017 assuring that talks would be held with GJM led by Bimal Gurung. Now that normalcy has been restored in Darjeeling, we are hoping that you would direct the Union Home Ministry to convene the talks at the earliest," the letter added.

In a press communique, Ahluwalia said Singh assured that a meeting will be convened soon.

The GJM delegation also met Tribal Affairs Minister Jual Oram and submitted a memorandum demanding that 11 Gorkha communities - Bhujel, Gurung, Mangar, Newar, Jogi, Khas, Rai, Sunwar, Thami, Yakhha (Dewan) and Dhimal - be included in the Central Scheduled Tribes list.

Express News Service

 
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