Showing posts with label Opinion. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Opinion. Show all posts

AWAITING MY SALVATION: Autobiography of a Gorkhaland Martyr

8:57 PM
Writes: Chandan Pariyar 

I reached Martyrdom when I chose death over escape. I was defending the dreams and aspirations of our people, even at the cost of a violent death. So when the bullets actually left the barrel, I didn't run, I thought that my death would unite our people, and that would lead to us breaking free from the chains of sufferings and the oppression for once and for all.

"I Sacrificied my life on 27th July 1986 for Gorkhaland."

It’s been 30 years since then. 

They have built a Memorial for Martyrs like me. I find people coming here only on this day, with candles, khadas, flowers. They have put up flags, banners, posters, apparently for the souls who died for their homeland. They even wet their eyes, and pray for our well being but with a cold heart. 

I find no warmth in them.

30 years since I died, but when I look around, I find that not much has changed in my beloved land.

The roads are still dusty and tattered, tea estates workers are still denied adequate wages, unemployment is still acutely high, no Central University, water crisis, improper drainage system, and the political turmoil still looms large and uncertainties surrounding my community and its future has become bleaker. 
And I ask to myself, did I do the right thing??

But what amazes me is their spiel, under such pitiable slough of the Hills also, they don’t forget to pat their backs and reminisce our heorism and bravery, they want us to believe that they have not forgotten us.

They say today is a Shahid Diwas. So we are remembered today.

When I look around me, I see the genial face of a war veteran, a professor, a footballer, a writer, a poet, a musician, a student and many more, all engulfed in a fire burning deep in them. But all of them have become silent and put up a smile for unknown reasons. They are disappointed but satisfied. I find them being more courteous before doing something, more polite before saying something, and careful before demanding Gorkhaland. I don’t understand what had made them change over time???

Or 

Did my death go to vain???

Maybe its due to the two failed agitation or the strikes that had stopped the development of our Hills, or due to the Pipers song that they have started tuning to, that has strategically silenced everyone. 

But I fear the noises that I have ignored for many years, I have heard the "Souls of the Hills," whispering to each other that I haven’t paid much attention to. 

Sometimes I have heard them say that the half-lived life that the people of the Hills live, uplifting and inspiring each other is, in fact, living like a dead without a corpse. 

People like us keep on sacrificing our lives for the sake of Gorkhaland, yet many keep telling me that 'Gorkhaland has now been compromised forever,' but I refuse to believe them.

Sometimes I feel like escaping from you all, but where would I go??? I died for these lands, and now I am bound to it.

My salvation is only possible when the suitcases come to the Hills with the papers of Gorkhaland and not with something else. 

I have faith in my people. They will bring my Salvation, hopefully, sooner than most would think possible.

The Actual Virus Plaguing the Darjeeling Hills

8:56 AM
Writes Chandan Pariyar

Darjeeling Hills is boiling with the fear of virus every passing day, disorder and chaos seems to be the order of the day. Yet  Corona isn't the virus that would eventually take us to our grave it would be unhealthy politics of our local leaders.

With 2021 Bengal Election nearing, the political parties in the Hills have found a new crutch to straighten their political leg, the Coronavirus .
COVID 19 No Facilities as Woman Breastfeeds in Bengal Tea Garde.Screengrab from a video taken by The Quint, was taken at a tea garden in Darjeeling run by the Bansal Tea Corporation.

At a time where the notion should have been  'Unity is Strength ,' the political parties are  busy drawing political blood. The leaders have become performers of a cheap roadside show, whether it is becoming a porter carrying loads in jeans and t-shirts, or the superhuman saviour of a district without doing anything much, or walking through the alleys of hospitals wearing a Modi coat. The cast is simple yet it confuses the Hill flock. With the increasing number of  COVID-19 + patients  in the Hills , the political parties are leaving no stone unturn to garner public sympathy. They should understand that the present problem of dealing with the virus should be their priority else there won't  be any public left in hills for their politics and their parties.

Now,more than ever,the people greatly feel the absence of locally elected political body and leaders who would have governed the people and would have been accountable to them. Whereas now our people are running from pillar to post  in desperation, whether it be finding out how to get  back home or asking for quarantine centers and sometimes even fighting with the administration in keeping and following the lockdown rules( a blatant violation was seen in Kalimpong when a lady had returned from Kolkata while Kpg was still a containment zone and had refused to be admitted to the quarantine center, only after huge protest and uproar by the locals, had the administration and the lady relented). With the numbers rising,  their demand of Testing labs in the Hills has still not been met with.  The lackadaisical treatment which has always been metted to the people from the hills and North Bengal with hundreds of  result of the test still unknown, the fear of an unknown fate seems prevailing within the hills.

The nationwide introduction of Ayushman Bharat in which a BPL family would be benefitted with 5 lacks medical insurance has  not been allowed to function by the TMC Bengal govt. The  people are deprived of basic healthcare facilities,whose fault is that? Thousands of poor families would have been benefitted by the insurance but the politiking of the Bengal govt has made sure we are deprived of even the most basic facility. None of the  local leaders address this issues least the hammer of displeasure of their Master's criticism fall on their puny political ambition.It is not important to them .

Another  scheme is Kishan  Saman Nidhi  which benefits 8crore farmers in the  country . This welfare schemes should have aided the farmers of our Hills in this time of crises but since there is no cut to the syndicate the scheme is not implemented. So when these farmers are deprived of their livelihood, will they take the blame?

The condition of the tea garden workers is well known to everyone, their garden opened even when the lockdwown was in strict accordance, their wages have yet to see any increase, many a times tea garden owners have left without issuing salaries and bonuses and have abandoned the garden. The leaders would not have a say, the agreements in Nabana is also not hidden from us.

Now isn't the time for these political parties to dig deep into their differences  rather they should have come together for their people, showing solidarity .However, it seems that  they have sniffed an opportunity  to suck what is left of the Hills people's blood like  parasites, trying to project the guise of working for the people when is reality very little has been actually done. All this so that  it can encash the Bidhan Sabha election in 2021.

These political party have over the years  stripped every bit of life and self respect from the community, the people, wages of the tea garden labourers of the world renowned Darjeeling Tea still miniscule and bonuses not paid,their sons in the exile, hundreds of them imprisoned for demanding their constitutional right, many being shot down,  many tortured to death in jails, unemployment , no Central University, lack of good government hospitals the list could go on forever. Thousands of our youngesters have migrated to cities and abroad not because they want to but because they have to due to lack of any employment. The money they sent back home is what has kept the hearth of many villages burning,it is what saved the people from the food and essential blockade done by Bengal govt during the Gorkhaland andolan of  2018.And yet during this crisis all the local leaders can do is prune themselves, busy soaking their political projection of having done something and nodding their heads and justifying all the mistakes of their masters at Nabanna. They  had just one agenda to fight for their people and for Gorkhaland. But that it seems has taken a backseat. Gorkhaland and the people don't matter to them, they don't want to rise from their luxurious slumber provided by their masters sucking the lives and blood of the hill people .The Hall of Illusions created by Maya has seeped into their beings lulling them into believing whatever is being projected. Through blindness to reality our political leaders has unleashed destruction and anguish upon our people.
All they are ready to do is make silver potholes for us to fall in the trap.

On the contrary the press conferences have become regular, FB pages are advertising the the work of their leaders , but none of them are addressing the real issue which should have been dealt by now, i.e, to Establish  Testing Lab in the Hills, set up more quarantinne centers, community awareness so that none faces discrimination in their villages.

These issues should have been dealt when the lockdown was announced .All parties should have come together to ask for Testing Labs, restrict movement during lockdwown.  While some became busy in providing relief work, others started watching them  with eagles eyes so that in the slightest error  they would inturn condemn them, and perpare their ground.So even after 2 and half months of shut down we are exactly where we were, deprived of basic  amenities to fight the virus.

When the team from Centre visited Kalimpong as then it  was a hotspot did any leader think it necessary to ask for a testing lab? Did they even go and meet the team? Wasn't  it necessary? Now they fight over claiming things to be done. Pathetic is not enough to describe the so called leaders.

If an honest survey was done about the leaders of the Hills, I am sure they will  have nothing good to share of as every person in the Hills know that they have not only conned us out of resources and life but they have stripped us of our dignity. They have to rise from their comfort zones,  provide public service beyond imagination or else their chances of existing in the Hills as a representatives of the  Hill population seemed hazy and blurred. Their lack of  vision would ensure their fall.

With true net testing being started in Kalimpong and Darjeeling from yesterday  there is still a long way for the battle against the Coronavirus. I am looking forward for their anticipation, are you ???



Via the Gorkhali

Gorkhaland, a demand whose time has come

5:12 PM
Gorkhaland, a demand whose time has come: Demand of the sons of the soil and the myths that tarnish the movement

When Jamyang Tsering Namgyal of Ladakh gave one of the most passionate, factual and heart-breaking accounts of how Article 370 had kept the people of Ladakh deprived, discriminated against and treated as a second class citizens, he forced people across India and the world to take note. Far away from Ladakh from where he belongs, or Delhi where he was giving his speech, people in the Eastern Himalayan region of Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars were glued onto their TVs. For us here in Darjeeling region, Jamyang wasn’t just describing the pathos of Ladakh, he was resonating each and every sentiment that we the people aspiring for Gorkhaland statehood have felt and lived through in West Bengal.
Gorkhaland
Gorkhaland 

‘Gorkhaland’ the very name evokes strong sentiments – from a motley crew of passionate supporters to very dedicated gang of opposers, to a vast majority of well-meaning but clueless neutrals who irrespective of their understanding of the issue or absolute lack of it, comment on it passionately.

Trying to explain the nuances of the demand for a ‘Gorkhaland state’ individually is very difficult, which is why it is imperative to explain the finer details of Gorkhaland demand in detail.

I am basing this article on a Q and A format so that everyone reading the article will find it easy to understand the issue in depth.

Everyday Identity Blues:

Curious stranger: Hi! You look a little strange…Where are you from? Nepal?

Me: India

Curious stranger: Let me guess… North East

Me: Darjeeling

Curious stranger: Oh! It’s in Nepal no?

Me: No, it’s in West Bengal

Curious stranger: Nice! So you are a Bong? Do you speak Bengali?

Me: No, I am a Gorkha, and our lingua franca is Nepali.

Curious stranger: Huh! So you immigrated to India?

Me: No, I was born here

Curious stranger: When did your family come to India?

Me: We didn’t immigrate, we came with the land. We are indigenous to the land.

Curious stranger: Like… seriously?

Me: Yeah! Like very very seriously.

On and on, every day we the Gorkhas have to face one set or other of these series of questions. Our children and youth who have to leave home for study and work grow up with this “crisis of identity” where we have to assert and reassert our Indian-ness day in and day out.

In the plainest of terms, the demand for Gorkhaland state is an attempt on the part of people from Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars to do away with this “crisis of identity” that Gorkhas across India have and have had to face and to assert our Indian Identity. So when Jamyang spoke of the people of Ladakh wanting to become Indian for over 70-years, we here in Darjeeling absolutely understood what he meant. He was, in more ways than he knew to narrate our plight.

I hope the following series of Q and A will help many of you understand the demand and its implications.

Is ‘Gorkhaland’ a demand for separation from India?

Foremost, let us all be clear about one thing – the demand for Gorkhaland is not a demand for separation from India. It is a demand for the formation of a separate state within the constitutional and geographical contours of India. Much like how Jharkhand, Uttarakhand, Chattisgarh, Telangana were formed, people living in Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars have been demanding the formation of a separate state called Gorkhaland, away from West Bengal.

What areas are being demanded as Gorkhaland?

The aspired Gorkhaland region comprises of the districts of Darjeeling, Kalimpong, and parts of Alipurduars and Jalpaiguri.

Is there any historical context to these particular areas being demanded as Gorkhaland?

The History of Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars is distinguished by one peculiar aspect – it has always been in a state of flux. Given its geostrategic location, this region was a hotly contested landmass between Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim, and Tibet. For centuries the dominant kingdom among these four took control of this region.

From 1662 until 1777 this region was under the Kingdom of Sikkim; however, in 1777 Nepal Army had defeated the King of Sikkim and established their dominance in this region. In 1816 the British Army defeated the Nepal Army, after which they took over and handed over these lands to the King of Sikkim as a gesture of friendship.

In 1835 the Brits took these lands on lease from the King of Sikkim to establish a sanatorium but ended up establishing their military garrison here. By the year 1866, the British had annexed the present day of Kalimpong and Doors from Bhutan following the defeat of Bhutan in the Anglo-Bhutan war of 1865, they then added this newly annexed area to the existing Darjeeling district – which we today know as Darjeeling Hills, Terai and Dooars.

It is these areas that never shared any history with Bengal, which the people here are demanding to be formed into a state called Gorkhaland.

Who are Gorkhas in the Indian context?

The ‘Gorkhas’ in the Indian context are Indian citizens of Nepali ethnicity, who live across the length and breadth of India. The term ‘Gorkha’ in the Indian context is used to differentiate the Indian citizens of Nepali ethnicity from the citizens of Nepal, who prefer to be called ‘Nepalese.’

Did the Gorkhas immigrate to India?

Majority of the people who identify themselves as ‘Gorkhas’ in India are sons and daughters of the soil, and their forefathers ‘came with the land.’ They did not immigrate to India. However, it is well recognized that there are many immigrants from Nepal, who have also settled in India, post-independence.

What do you mean by ‘came with the land’?

The Nepali kingdom in the 17th and 18th Century was spread all over the Himalayas. In the year 1777, Nepal had appropriated the Kingdoms of Sikkim, Kumaon, Garhwal and Kangra. However, following the Anglo-Nepal war of 1814-1816, Nepal agreed to cede most of the Terai region, the lands of Sikkim, Kumaon, Garhwal and Kangra to the British through the Treaty of Sugauli (Sugauli Sandhi), which was signed on 4 March 1816. After the Anglo-British war of 1865, the British appropriated the lands that are today known as Kalimpong and Dooars. Therefore, all the people of Nepali, Sikkimese, Tibetan and Bhutanese origin who were living in these tracts automatically came under the British and subsequently under India (after the British left), hence the term – ‘came with the land.’

Were there ‘Gorkhas’ in Darjeeling region prior to the British coming to India?

Recorded history shows that the region was inhabited as early as the 9th century. When Guru Padmasambhava had passed through this region in the 9th century, he had established Buddhism in the region – which indicates the presence of people living in the areaway, before the British ever landed in Asia.

In the Indian context, the word ‘Gorkha’ is an umbrella term used to identify a varied group of people, as one unified entity. In terms of Darjeeling communities such as the Róng – Lepchas, the Tsong – Limbus, the Kirat – Rai, the Dukpas, the Bhutias and the Magars are the aboriginal/ethnic/native people of the region, who constitute a large chunk of the ‘Gorkha’ people living in the Darjeeling region. Hence, it can be safely said that the majority of the ‘Gorkhas,’ who belong to these communities and are living in Darjeeling, ethnic to the region.

In addition, other groups of people such as the Gurungs, Thapas, Chettris, Newars, Sunwars, Bahuns, Kamis, Damais, Sarkis, Bhutias, Thamis etc, traversed these lands for trade or settled here following wars. For instance, the establishment of the Kingdom of Sikkim in 1642 brought in a large Bhutia population from Tibet and Bhutan into the region. Similarly, the Nepali incursions starting from as early as the 1700s brought many present-day Nepalis to the region.

While kingdoms changed, the people remained.

Over centuries the people from this region could be broadly categorized as – Nepali, Bhutia, Lepcha, Dukpa, Tsong, Rai, Magar of the hills, and Nepali, Dukpa, Koche (Rajbanshi), Meche, Rabha, and Toto of the plains.

Later Adivasis were brought in from Chota-Nagpur plateau to work in the tea gardens of Dooars, then Bengalis and another mainland Indians gradually came and settled in the region.

Around the 1890s the dominant Nepali-Bhutia-Lepcha groups subsumed the rest of the hill tribes into their fold and a unified identity “NeBuLa” was used to define the hill people. In Darjeeling, this gradually metamorphosed into the term “Gorkha”.

Hence, one can safely concur that the ‘Gorkha’ presence far supersedes the British arrival in the region.

It is important to note that today, the term ‘Gorkha’ is used to indicate people who are from this region – which today includes everyone from Bengali Gorkha, Bihari Gorkha to Marwari Gorkha etc.

When was the demand for Gorkhaland first raised?

The first demand for a separate administrative unit for the Darjeeling-Dooars region (a la Separate State in today’s term) was first raised by the Hillmen’s Association in 1907, making the demand for a separate state constituting the Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars region the oldest demand for statehood in India.

Why did the British not entertain this demand?

The only reason as to why such a demand was not entertained by the then British Government is because the Darjeeling and Dooars region was a highly contested geographical region which they had taken on lease from Sikkim and Bhutan. The British had declared our region to be a “non-regulated area”, which meant that the rules and laws developed for the rest of India would not be automatically applied to the region.

What historical claims does West Bengal have over the Darjeeling-Dooars region?

Ironically None! There is no shared history between the Darjeeling-Dooars region and the rest of West Bengal.

Historically, the district of Darjeeling never formed a part of Bengal and no King who ruled the plains of Bengal ever had any suzerainty over those areas. Ethnologically, the Mongoloid and semi-Mongoloid races inhabiting the Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars have more affinity with the Hill tribes of Assam than with the people in the plains of Bengal. Geographically the district of Darjeeling, Kalimpong, Alipurduar, Jalpaiguri and Cooch Behar are completely cut off and distinctly different from the rest of West Bengal. Linguistically, the people residing in this region have a greater affinity with Hindi, the Lingua Franca of India, than with the state language Bengali

Why is Darjeeling a part of West Bengal?

Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars were forcefully included into West Bengal without any consultation with the local populace using two flimsy acts enacted by WB Legislative Assembly:

The Requisitioned Land (Apportionment of Compensation) Act, 1949 (51 of 1949). Darjeeling District – transformed to the Absorbed Areas(Laws) Act, 1954.

The West Bengal Raw Jute Futures Act, 1948 (West Bengal Act No. 25 of 1948)

Why are people in Darjeeling demanding Gorkhaland?

The demand for a separate administrative unit (a separate state in today’s term) for the Darjeeling region had started as early as 1907. However, the influx of Bangladeshi refugees starting in 1965 and later state-sponsored illegal immigrants from Bangladesh post-1971 for vote bank by subsequent West Bengal governments led to the marginalization of the ethnic Gorkha, Kamtapuri and the Adivasi communities of the region. The demand for Gorkhaland is a demand to protect the identity, culture, history, traditions and the rich bond of people from the Darjeeling region, which they share with their land.

Furthermore, the Gorkhas from the Darjeeling region have continued to be labelled by the fascist and state-sponsored Bengali organizations such as Bangla O Bangla Bhasa Bachao Samity, Amra Bangali, Jan Jagaran Morcha, Jan Chetna Morcha as illegal immigrants and the demand for Gorkhaland illegal. They have rendered the ethnic Gorkha people as an intruder in his/her own ancestral lands. This has caused widespread socio-economic and political marginalization of the Gorkhas. All these factors have resulted in the Gorkhas being under-represented, stereotyped and communally discriminated in almost all sectors.

Moreover, Bengal has always been colonial in its approach to this region. The large revenues collected from the Darjeeling region have been used to develop other parts of Bengal while neglecting even the basic infrastructure in the region.

Case in point: Since the year 2002, over 3000 malnutrition-related death (death due to starvation) have been reported from the tea gardens of this region and yet the West Bengal government has not taken any steps to alleviate the sufferings of the people in the region. Instead, they have continued to deny the tea garden workers minimum wages.

Is the proposed Gorkhaland region economically viable?

The proposed Gorkhaland region is rich in bio-diversity, scenic views, hydro potentials, tourism, NTFP, Tea and numerous other resources, making this a resource-abundant region.

Currently, the aspired Gorkhaland region contributes to the least 20-23% of the total revenue collected in West Bengal. Even the most conservative estimates put the revenue potential from tea, tourism and hydro from the proposed Gorkhaland area at over 20,000 Crores per annum. In return, West Bengal only spends around Rs 5000 crores in the region annually (including salary paid to Govt officials). Thus, draining off a large portion of the revenue collected from the region.

It is estimated that the revenues from Tea and Tourism alone will make the proposed Gorkhaland region a revenue surplus state.

The revenues collected from hydro development, NTFP, cross-border trades and other resources will make the proposed state of Gorkhaland as one of the most economically vibrant states in India.

What is Chicken Neck region and how will Gorkhaland impact the National Security or our nation?

Darjeeling district is home to the proverbial “chicken neck” region, a roughly 200-km stretch which borders four nations — Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Tibet — in distances varying from 25 kms to 60 kms. It has seen a large-scale influx of illegal migrants from Bangladesh, which started as a trickle in 1965 and turned into a gushing torrent post the 1971 Indo-Pakistan war, that lead to the creation of Bangladesh.

The ‘Siliguri Corridor’ has today become one of the most porous border regions in the world, and Pakistan’s ISI has used this to operate its agents freely. In fact, in 2002, the writer Pinaki Bhattacharya had highlighted how the ISI was using the ‘Siliguri Corridor’ as a supply route to provide arms and ammunition via Bangladesh to insurgents in the North East. Following investigations into the Burdwan bomb blast, in May 2015, the National Investigating Agency released a report that explained how Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) had networks in West Bengal and lower districts of Assam, and that JMB had been using West Bengal as a safe sanctuary.

Given all this, if there is one state in India which is actually a safe haven for terrorists, it is West Bengal, and if the state government was capable of addressing national security concerns, it would have done so a long time ago. The presence of ISI modules and terrorists of the various ilk in Bengal actually prove that the state government in Bengal isn’t able to protect the vulnerable “chicken neck” area.

One possible reason for this could be that the state capital and its power centre, Kolkata, is located too far away from the region, because of which the state administration isn’t able to focus much on the north Bengal districts.

A state of Gorkhaland, including the hills of Darjeeling, Terai and Dooars, would, therefore, help ensure better safety and security for the “chicken neck” area. Smaller states are also easier to govern and the presence of the entire state machinery being in one region would help keep close tabs on infiltrators, unlike what is possible out of Kolkata.

Why is West Bengal opposed to the formation of Gorkhaland?

The state of West Bengal is one of the most economically backward states in India. Even though it is the 5th largest in terms of its size, but due to the high debt burden of over Rs. 4.35 lakh Crores, West Bengal is practically bankrupt and is highly dependent on the Central Government and the revenues generated from the proposed Gorkhaland region for its sustenance and economic survival.

So despite all the rhetoric stating, “Darjeeling is Bengal’s Abhinno Aanga,” Bengal is scared of losing its hen, which is currently laying the golden eggs. It is scared of losing the cash cow that has continued to discount the development of Bengal’s other regions over and over since independence.

Further, Bengal has always held a parochial, colonial and discriminatory attitude towards the proposed Gorkhaland region and continues to do so. Every time the Gorkhas have demanded justice or our rights, we are labelled as intruder, terrorists, and foreigners in our own land.

Hence the urgent need for Gorkhaland state to be formed.

We are hopeful that someday soon, our Member of Parliament from Darjeeling will also be able to speak with the same passion and emotion that Jamyang Tsering Namgyal did and tell the nation how the formation of Gorkhaland state or Union Territory will benefit mother India.

** This article was written by Mr Upendra Mani Pradhan, a Darjeeling-based Political Analyst [Twitter: @jorebungley] and co-authored by Dr Vimal Khawas, an Associate Professor in the Dept of Peace and Conflict Studies, Sikkim University [Twitter: @vimalkhawas]

[ Via: https://www.opindia.com/2019/08/gorkhaland-a-demand-whose-time-has-come-demand-of-the-sons-of-the-soil-and-the-myths-that-tarnish-the-movement/ ]

No matter who loses, we, the Gorkhas, have already won

8:05 AM
Writes: Upendra

In the 2019 elections, Darjeeling Lok Sabha seat is being viewed by almost everyone interested in politics as a litmus test to adjudge if the Gorkha aspirations of having a state of our own will prevail, or if the iron will of TMC chief Mamata Banerjee to obliterate the demand forever will deal a crushing blow to the same.

In the muddled regional political atmosphere, which has gone topsy-turvy post the 2017 Gorkhaland agitation, it would take a political analyst of superhuman powers to predict who will win the seat. While the BJP sounds hopeful of retaining the seat, TMC is confident they will wrestle the seat away from the BJP, which has held the seat for 10-long-years, and has nothing to show for it. Chequering the political equation further is the lack of a strong regional political party that could decisively swing the elections one way or the other.

Currently, for me though, no matter which candidate loses, the Gorkhas have already won, and here’s why.

2017: The game changer

Not many may be aware that till date, Nepali – a language, which is one of the recognised national languages of India, and is included under the 8th Schedule of our Constitution, is not included as an optional paper in the West Bengal Civil Services (WBCS). While one can choose Nepali as an optional paper in the IAS exams, its non-inclusion was highlighted repeatedly in West Bengal Legislative Assembly, yet the powers that be have continued their defiant stand against Nepali language inclusion in WBCS.
These are copies of the same textbook -- same class, same subject. While the copy on the left, for Nepali medium schools, is printed in black and white, the right is for Bengali medium schools, printed in colour
File image

Instances of textbooks published by the West Bengal Secondary School Board discriminating against Nepali language have been reported in local media over the years. The most blatant of all being a Nepali medium book being printed in black and white, whereas books in other languages were printed in colour. After the failure of Gorkhaland agitation in 2013, the Trinamool Congress government had increasingly shown their disdain towards Nepali language, and there was a growing resentment against the same.

On May 15, 2017, West Bengal education minister Partha Chatterjee made an announcement that “the government [of WB] will introduce three-language policy, the students will have to take Bengali compulsory as one of the three languages”.

This same fact was reiterated by Mamata herself in a Facebook post dated May 16.

The Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars, which have a very cosmopolitan mixture of Gorkhas – Nepali, Lepcha, Bhutia – Adivasis, Rajbonshis, Rabha, Toto, Mech, Bengali, Bihari, Marwari, Punjabi and almost every other major ethnic groups from various parts of India erupted in protests. Leading the protests were the Gorkhas whose lingua franca is Nepali.

Gorkhaland agitation: A quick recall

Protests against attempt at linguistic imperialism on the part of TMC government quickly snowballed into a full-fledged demand for separate state of Gorkhaland. Even quicker was the response of the state machinery, which violently crushed the movement. The Gorkhas, who were demanding the formation of a Gorkhaland state within the geographic, political and constitutional contours of India, were labelled as separatists and terrorists. The administration even said those demanding Gorkhaland have linkages to militants in Northeast and Maoists in Nepal, they didn’t bother mentioning which faction, though.
Darjeeling residents take part in a protest against, what they call, linguistic imperialism

Towards the end of September 2017, the Gorkhaland statehood movement had died a natural death, with movement leaders choosing to go underground.

Ready at hand were second-rung leaders, who quickly stepped in to fill the void, not in leading the agitation for Gorkhaland statehood, but in handling the local Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA) on behalf of the West Bengal government.

Since then, there have been attempts at completely subverting any and all forms of expressing of the Gorkha identity issue in the region.

As all of this was unfolding BJP and its entire leadership, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi preferred to keep a safe distance from the entire issue, and didn’t even utter a single word of sympathy, solidarity, support or outrage. It was almost like, for BJP, the perils facing Gorkhas was an unpleasant distraction, they could very well do without.

The Congress and CPI (M), the other two main political parties in the region, did make some noise about everyone coming to the table and indulging in a dialogue to resolve the impasse, both were functionally indifferent towards the plight and sufferings of the Gorkhas.

Time and tide

But the Gorkhas are a hardy bunch, and we endured all the hardships, with a smile on our lips and hope in our hearts.

Today, as the election comes knocking at the door, lo and behold, the Gorkhas are a priority for all the political parties. Every major political party is trying their best to reconnect with the Gorkhas, whom they had, for all intent and purpose, forsaken and left for dead only a year ago.

Today, three among the four major political parties have nominated a Nepali speaking individual as their candidate for the Darjeeling Lok Sabha seat. BJP has nominated Raju Bista, CPI (M) has nominated Saman Pathak, and Trinamool Congress has nominated Amar Singh Rai. Congress has nominated Sankar Malakar, who by the virtue of being a bhoomiputra from Darjeeling Lok Sabha constituency is fluent in Nepali. In fact on his very day after being given the Congress ticket, he headed to Kurseong and interacted with the locals, reminding them of TMC atrocities and BJP betrayals in the language majority of the people in the region speak – Nepali.

Raju Bista is a political novice, but what swung BJP ticket in his favour was his Indian Gorkha heritage. The BJP is hoping that his ‘Gorkhaness’ will rub off against the unpopular anti-Gorkha stand of TMC during the Gorkhaland agitation in the region and help their candidate to shine. Their secret weapon, his mother tongue, is the same that of the shared lingua franca of our region – Nepali.

Saman Pathak comes with years of experience in politics; in fact, he is one of the most experienced candidates around. His father, Anand Pathak, too, has represented Darjeeling Lok Sabha seat in Parliament, and he was himself a member of Rajya Sabha previously. His mother tongue, too, is Nepali.

As for Trinamool Congress, which wanted to impose Bengali across West Bengal, they didn’t move even a single paper in that regard after the protests against their attempted linguistic imperialism broke out in Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars. What is almost ironic is that TMC that brutally crushed down the demand for a land of our own is desperately trying to project their candidate Amar Singh Rai as a son-of-the soil Bhoomiputra. The very same TMC that had labelled Gorkhas as being separatists and terrorists, is today talking about protecting the IDENTITY of the Gorkhas.

The Gorkhas have endured, now it’s time to thrive

From my count, we, the Gorkhas, have endured all that the time, government, system and bureaucracy had thrown our way, and survived. We are still Gorkhas – unchanged, and our indomitable spirit remains unconquered. Every political party that had sought to crush us, that had been indifferent towards our plight, that had been apathetic to our distress, that had been unconcerned towards our misery and suffering are today pandering to us.

For me, this is a win

We, the Gorkhas, have survived, and no matter who loses the upcoming elections or wins, we shall thrive.

(Upendra M Pradhan is a Darjeeling-based political analyst and editor-at-large at The Darjeeling Chronicle. He can be reached at pradhanum@gmail.com)

Source - https://www.eastmojo.com/opinion/2019/04/09/no-matter-who-loses-we-the-gorkhas-have-already-won

ELECTION 2019: NRC, the latest talking point

3:11 PM
Writes NN Ojha

BJP chief Amit Shah’s declaration in Alipurduar on 29 March that NRC will be implemented in West Bengal if BJP came to power has  ignited a debate about how NRC might impact people in Darjeeling hills. The debate has further intensified after Prime Minister Modi repeated his party chief’s statement during his public address in Jalpaiguri on 3 April. While doing so PM assured that the exercise will not harm the Gorkhas in any way. He however avoided saying if it would bring any benefits to the Gorkha. As expected TMC chief Mamta Banerjee took no time in countering the BJP leadership’s statements adding that NRC is a political ploy of BJP to cause dissensions in society and coupled with the Citizens Amendment Bill (CAB) 2016 the scheme makes their communal agenda clear.

In an polarised political atmosphere combined with soon to be held elections debates often tend to be reduced to canvassing and propaganda  for or against the parties in the fray.  The debate on NRC sparked off by Amit Shah and Narendra Modi is no exception.

Preparation, establishment and maintenance of a ‘National Register of Indian Citizens’ (NRC) is provided for in The Citizenship (Registration of Citizens and Issuing of National Identity Cards) Rules originally framed in 1956 as last amended in July 2003. Rule 3(1) of these rules mandates the Registrar General of Citizens Registration ‘to establish and maintain NRC for the whole of India’, not selectively for any particular state or UT

Two questions arise; one, if NRC is mandated for the whole of India why do Amit Shah or Narenfra Modi single out West Bengal for its introduction repeatedly and second, Is the NRC capable of yielding results as per its stated objectives. For examining both these questions we will have to look to the ongoing exercise on NRC in Assam.

In spite of applicability of NRC all over the country Assam is the only state to have had it introduced way back in 1951. The reasons for this exception are in Assam’s  peculiar historical background. The state has had problem of immigrants ever since it was ceded to the  British colonial rulers by the Burmese rulers in 1826.  Alarm bells were rung for the first time in 1931 when CS Mullen Superintendent of Census reported about ‘invasion by hordes of land-hungry immigrants on Assam in the last 25 years that could destroy the whole structure of Assamese culture and civilisation’. The problem  persisted even after independence with an added dimension of national security after the partition of India. As a result an Assam specific legislation, Immigrants (Expulsion from Assam) Act 1950 was passed by the Parliament and Assam became the very first state of India to have an NRC in 1951 for identification and expulsion of illegal immigrants as per the Act.

The exception made in case of Assam because of compulsions of history and law does not take away the fundamental point that as per existing law NRC’s applicability is for the whole of India and singling out west Bengal in particular on election eve is legally and politically improper. We will examine possible reasons for this intimidatory singling out of West Bengal little later. First let us see what has been our experience of Assam NRC in terms of results achieved.

The main objective of  NRC was to identify illegal immigrants  and expel them. Barely ten years after the first NRC the 1961 census found number of illegal immigrants in Assam  to be nearly 2.25 lakhs. In a white paper issued by the Home department of Assam the estimate shot up to five lakhs. In the draft NRC published under the ongoing updation currently underway nearly four millions claimants to citizenship have been excluded for want of certainty about their citizenship status. It is obvious NRC has not contained the influx of illegal migrants in the State even after six decades of its introduction in 1951.

Let us look at the other objective of expulsion of illegal migrants after they are identified as such following the NRC. In  February this year during the  hearing of current status of Assam NRC updation government of India submitted before the apex court that out of 52000 individuals identified as foreigners by the Tribunal set up under Foreigners Act of 1946 only 162 were deported. This is an irrefutable proof of the failure of NRC in curbing infiltration or expelling infiltrators. Interestingly it was also submitted by the government before the court that 27000 individuals attempting to cross over from the border into Assam were pushed back by our security forces. Quite obviously a vigorous security setup to guard the borders against infiltration is more effective than an elaborate and time and resource consuming exercise of NRC that till now has hardly resulted in anything but discord and disaffection in society and harassment and humiliation of our own citizens.

These being the results why the idea of NRC is being marketed so aggressively by BJP for Bengal? Obviously the motive appears political. When you see NRC in conjunction with BJP’s another brainchild the Citizenship Amendment Bill (CAB) 2016 the motive becomes crystal clear. CAB divides illegal immigrants into infiltrators liable to be expelled and refugees likely to be granted citizenship depending upon the faith they practise. Thus by combining the two BJP may expect to neutralise anti BJP vote of those liable to be expelled and  consolidate its hold on those likely to be granted citizenship. People in Assam and other North Eastern states see CAB as a counter measure to nullify the objectives of NRC and have risen in protest against what they term  BJP’s   duplicity.

How will NRC if introduced in Bengal impact people in Darjeeling region? We have PM  Modi simply saying this won’t harm the Gorkhas but choosing not to say that it would benefit them. Then we have Raju Bista saying NRC will benefit the Gorkha by making them more secure in their land without explaining how exactly. At the cutting edge level we have  BJP supporters canvassing relentlessly that if NRC comes ‘90% of the Bengali speaking people in terai and duars will be pushed back to Bangladesh’. I am not aware how they are sure of their figures or the end result. However they seem unaware of the perilous procedure fraught with long spells of harassment, humiliation and uncertainty for the common man irrespective of who is pushed back to another country and who is entitled to remain in the end. They are also unaware that if CAB comes - and it is sure to come if NRC comes, both being dependent on BJP’s return to power - then many among those our friends are expecting to be pushed back to Bangladesh may end up getting citizenship due to the faith they practise. Obviously the painstaking propaganda by some of our youngsters is either a command performance or due to ignorance about the procedure involved. My advise to them is to go through the Citizenship (Registration of citizens and issuing of National Identity cards) Rules of 1956 and their 22 amendments, the last one being of 7 July 2003 and be unbiased in their views.

It is true that no Gorkha can be liable for expulsion from India irrespective of whether or not there is NRC in Bengal. Even those who may be deemed to be citizens of Nepal and not India can remain under the Indo-Nepal treaty of 1950. To that extent the PM is right that NRC will not harm the Gorkhas but there is no additional benefit that it brings to the table for Gorkhas which the Gorkhas don’t have already. When you think of this status quo with or without NRC and take into account the harassment, humiliation, uncertainty and the enormous resources needed for the exercise it may appear to be futile and even counter productive. In Assam where just an updation exercise for an existing NRC is going on nearly 40000 workers (30000 regular government  employees and 10000 contract workers) are engaged in the task. Twenty different types of customised computer soft wares have been developed mostly through private sector at huge cost and over 2500 data digitisation hubs established for the purpose. Diversion of such huge resources for an exercise at the end of which you are getting ready with another law to grant citizenship to many who may be found to be illegal immigrants or if you are able to deport only 162 illegals out of 52000 identified definitely needs to be given a fresh look. If your motives are purely political for which you couldn’t care less for the resources or  the harassment common people are subjected to during the exercise then it is a different story.

I am not for a moment arguing that we need not have NRC and let India be a caravan serai for immigrants. What I am saying is do not use NRC as an electoral gimmick and if you have NRC at huge cost to the nation do not neutralise its gains by a counter statute like the CAB. My argument is also to see if the objectives of NRC could be fulfilled by having a robust border guarding system instead of the cumbersome and frightfully expensive procedures involved in NRC that also become unduly bothersome for the common man. My appeal to every one is not to mix up a legal issue that also has bearing on national security with petty politics and unfounded or exaggerated claims about its gains or pitfalls.

Via The DT

Darjeeling Lok Sabha Election 2019 and the Gorkhas

9:10 AM
TMC
Darjeeling Parliamentary Constituency Election 2019 and the Gorkhas: Some Observations

Writes: Dr Vimal Khawas

The Gorkhas of Darjeeling Hills, as initially decided, could not arrive at a common consensus candidate. Therefore, a total of sixteen (16) potential and aspiring candidates affiliated to various political parties as well as those desiring to contest as independent candidates have filed their nominations for the position of the Member of Parliament from Darjeeling Lok Sabha Constituency in the upcoming General Elections, 2019. Darjeeling Constituency is, perhaps, one of the most fiercely contested constituencies in the country today.


If we closely examine the current electoral landscape in the region, the pattern broadly looks as follows:

Clearly, chances of an independent candidate to emerge victoriously are slim to none, both because of their past political baggage and also due to the lack of their ability to create an adequate platform for grassroots mobilizations. Further, lesser political parties like, CPIM, BSP, IDRF, GRC and even national parties like INC may also not be able to wield much impact in the ensuing election due to both local and regional political dynamics.

Consequently, there are primarily two probable political scenarios to choose from before us for this election. Leaving aside political contenders highlighted above, the real fight is only between TMC (supported by GJMM2) and BJP (supported by GJMM1 and GNLF).

Scenario #1:

If we vote for TMC and make them victorious, there is a very high degree of probability that Mamata Banerjee would gradually grab the entire region under her fold. This election is just a gateway for Mamata and her party TMC to bigger political shares in the region via MLA and GTA elections, subsequently. The steady increase of TMC domination in the hills also means steady uprooting and waning of Gorkha identity and Gorkha political aspirations. They are inversely related to each other.

Under such a situation, in a decade or two, the entire notion of Gorkha and Gorkhaland may have been rendered irrelevant! We may be only referred to as a Thapa, a Chettri, a Bhujel, a Damai, a Rai, a Kami, a Sherpa, a Limbu, a Lepcha, a Bahun, a Dukpa, a Sarki, a Newar or Nepalis and many times immigrant Nepalis. We would, most probably, cease to be the Gorkhas. No one would have the guts to utter ‘Jai Gorkha’. We all may collectively and/or forcefully be made to chant ‘Jai Bangla’.

She is already on her way up the hills with a number of detrimental political cards. Her Development Board approach is one of the ways forward in this regard. She would never go for such appeasement politics had she loved the region and its people, to the extent of dividing the Gorkhas into ethnic lines. More importantly, TMC’s unscientific and draconic handling of the 2013 and 2017 Gorkhaland agitation/uprising is yet another critical example of how it perceives the Gorkhas and their long pending aspirations in the region.

Scenario #2:

If we vote for BJP and render them victorious, nothing may happen. The last 10 years were rather fruitless and going by that trend, the next five years may not bear fruit, either.BJP may be busy spreading its political and strategic tentacles across geographical spaces of the country with its Hindutva card. It may keep on struggling to take control of Bengal but without any notable results. BJP would not give us Gorkhaland! They have their state government in Assam. Has Bodoland been able to see the light of the day?

This MP would, in all likelihood remain a mere puppet within the larger framework and schemes of Bharatiya Janata Party!

However, the Gorkhas will have the freedom to shout ‘Jai Gorkha’ and ‘We want Gorkhaland’ under BJP unlike under TMC which is fundamentally and ideologically against the idea of Gorkha and Gorkhaland! And yes Gorkhas would, at least, have the hope to have their own separate state called ‘Gorkhaland’ or to be known by any other name someday.

Sapana nai bhaye pani haami dekhneh chau ra dekhi rahaneh chau

The choice is ours, to opt for scenario #1 or #2. No one shall force us.

Concluding Note:

The unscientific, unorganized and premature conclusion of 2017 Gorkha uprising has deeply lowered the self-respect and dignity of the entire Gorkha community. It may be difficult to reinstate our old glory in the foreseeable future unless we unite and stay united. For the first time, I feel insecure to wear a T-shirt that reads ‘I support Gorkhaland’ even in Kalimpong, not to talk of Siliguri.

For me ‘Entry of TMC into Darjeeling Politics is beginning of the end of Gorkha Political Aspirations’

[Originally posted on : https://thedarjeelingchronicle.com/darjeeling-parliamentary-constituency-election-2019-and-the-gorkhas-some-observations/]

गाेर्खाल्याण्ड : भुसभित्रकाे अागाे

10:13 PM
हालै एउटा समसामयिक पत्रिकामा प्रकाशित एउटा लेख।

                             
   ।। गाेर्खाल्याण्ड : भुसभित्रकाे अागाे ।।
                                                                                                     ✍ पुरण छेत्री

बर्ष २०१७, दार्जिलिङबासीहरूले कहिल्यै भुल्न नसकिने बर्ष भएर गए। करिब एक चाैथाई बर्ष दार्जिलिङले हडतालमै बिताए। कतिले यी सबै घटनाहरू भुले तर बिनय - अनितलाई भने याे अान्दाेलन ढकमक्क फूले।

अलिकति पृष्ठभूमि :

१६ मई २०१७ मा बंगालका शिक्षा मन्त्री पार्थ च्याटर्जीले राज्यभरिनै कक्षा १ देखि १० सम्म बंगाली भाषा अनिवार्य भएकाे घाेषणा गरे। बर्षाै देखि अाफ्नाे जातिय सुरक्षाकाे प्रश्न लिएर अाफ्नाे छुट्टै राज्य हुनु पर्छ भन्ने भावना पालेर बसेका गाेर्खाहरूकाे मुटुमा याे घाेषणा काँडा भएर बिझे। १९८६ मा सुबास घिसिङकाे अान्दाेलनकालमा जन्मिएका बालक ३० बर्षकाे लक्का बेकारी जवान बनिसकेकाे अवस्थामा याे निर्णय बिकशित जातिले हामीमाथी जबर्जस्ती थाेपिएकाे निर्णय महशुस गरे। चारैतिरबाट यसकाे बिराेध हुन शुरू भयाे।

जुन ५, २०१७ मा बंगालका मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जी पहाड भ्रमनमा अाईन्। उनकाे भ्रमण अवधि मिरिक सौरेनीमा कालो झण्डा देखाउने वीर अान्दोलनकारी नाेलडाँडाका पूर्ण सिंह राईलाई अाधा घण्टा भित्रै पक्राउ गरिएकाे थियाे। यसरी शुरू भयाे २०१७ काे भाषा अतिक्रमण बिरूद्ध अान्दाेलन। पूर्ण सिंह राईनै २०१७ काे अान्दाेलनमा पक्रा पर्ने पहिलाे अान्दाेलनकारी हुन्। भारत जस्ताे विशाल गणतन्त्रमा अाफुलाई मन नपरेकाे कुराेकाे शान्तिपूर्ण ढंगमा बिराेध गर्न सकिन्छ। अन्य राज्यहरूमा भने थप्पड हान्ने, जुत्ता-चप्पलकाे झटाराे हान्ने, कलमकाे मसी छर्कने जस्ता घट्नाहरू भएका छन्। तर बंगालमा शासकदलकाे बिराेध गर्नुलाई राष्ट्रद्राेहनै मानिन्छन्। यसले बंगालकाे राजनैतिक संस्कार कतातिर लम्किरहेकाे छ भनेर अनुमान लगाउँन सकिन्छ।

अान्दाेलनका केही घटनाहरू:

जुन् ८,२०१७ मा पूर्व घाेषणा अनुरूप दार्जिलिङमा राज्यका मन्त्री परिषदकाे "क्याबिनेट स्तरीय" बैठक राज भवनमा चलिरहेकाे थियाे। गाेजमुमाेले साेही क्याबिनेटमा गाेर्खा बाहुल क्षेत्रहरूमा बंगाली भाषा "अनिवार्य" नरहने प्रस्तावना पास गराउँन दबाव दिईरहेकाे थियाे। क्याबिनेटमा साे बिषयकाे चर्चा नभए पनि मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीले सभा पश्चात, "पहाडमा बंगाली भाषा एच्छिक बिषय मात्र रहने" घाेषणा गरिन्। असन्तुष्ट प्रदर्शनकारीहरू र पुलिसमाझ भएकाे झडपले निकै ठुलाे रूप लिने छाँट देखे पछि सेना उतार्न परेकाे थियाे। पश्चिम बंगाल सरकारले साेहि दिन देखि, जी०ट०ए० चेयरम्यान बिमल गुरूङकाे सुरक्षा गार्ड फिर्ता लगे।

युवा माेर्चाकाे १२ घण्टा पहाड बन्दकाे घाेषणा, मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीकाे सिलगडी प्रस्थान र केही अागजनी घटनाहरू बिच, १३ जुनकाे दिन पहाडकाे राजनैतिक दलहरूकाे सभाले अब उसाे पुनः अलग राज्य गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे माग अघि बडाउँने प्रस्ताव पारित गरे। जीटीए संग असन्तुष्ट रहेका गाेजमुमाे प्रमुख बिमल गुरूङले "गाेर्खाल्याण्ड" मुद्दा यथावत राख्दै चुक्ती गरेकाले उक्त मागलाई फेरि अघि बढाउँन सकिने प्रशस्त ठाउँ थियाे। पहाडमा सबै भन्दा बलियाे र व्यापक जन समर्थन रहेकाे दल गाेजमुमाे रहेकाेले राज्य सरकारलाई अलग राज्यकाे अान्दाेलन तेज गराउँन सक्ने भय पनि गाेजमुमाेसंग नै थियाे।

२०१७ काे जुन १५ मा अचानक पुलिसले गाेजमुमाे कार्यलय र अध्यक्ष बिमल गुरूङकाे घरमा छापा मारे पछि, बिनय तामाङले "अनिश्चितकालीन बन्दकाे" घाेषणा गरे।

१७ जुनमा जनअान्दाेलन र गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे अान्दाेलन  शहिदहरूकाे रगतले रंगिए।
      - सहिद सुनिल राई, कैंजले
      - सहिद बिमल शासांकर, गाेक
      - सहिद महेश गुरूङ, रेलिङ

१८ जुनबाट सरकारले पहाडमा ईन्टरनेट बन्द गरिदिए। यसले अान्दाेलनकारीमाझ खवरकाे अादान प्रदानमा बाधा अायाे।

२० जुनकाे सर्वदलीय बैठक पछि, जीटीएका ४५ जना सभासदकाे राजिनामा, जीटीए खारेज अादीकाे प्रस्तावना हुुँदै अनिश्चितकालीन बन्द बिस्तारै १३ दिनमा प्रवेश गरे। गाेजमुमाेकाे प्रभावकारी कार्यक्रम र बंगाल सरकारलाई चाप दिने नीति अनुरूप तत्कालीन गाेजमुमाे  २७ जुनमा सह सचिव बिनय तामाङकाे अगुवाईमा २०११ मा गरिएकाे जीटीएकाे चुक्ती पत्र जलाईयाे।

जुलाई महिना भरि घरि केन्द्लाई रिझाउँने, घरि गाली गर्ने त कहिले राम्राे खवर अाउँने हल्लाहरू बिचदैनिक धर्ना र जुलुसहरू जारी रहे।

७ जुलाई जनअान्दाेलन र गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे अान्दाेलन  पुन: शहिदकाे रगतले रंगिए।
      - सहिद टाँसी भाेटीया, साेनादा

८ जुलाईमा जनअान्दाेलन र गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे अान्दाेलन  फेरि शहिदहरूकाे रगतले रंगिए।
      - सहिद सुरज भुसाल, तुङसुङ
      - सहिद समीर गुरूङ, सिंहमारी
      - सहिद अशाेक तामाङ, लुईस जुबली

१७ जुलाईमा जनअान्दाेलन र गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे अान्दाेलन  अझ शहिदहकाे रगतले रंगिए।
      - सहिद अाशिष तामाङ, मगरजुङ

अगस्त १३ मा केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्रीले डाकेकाे बैठकमा बिमल गुरूङ अनुपस्थित रहे। केन्द्रले डाकेकाे बैठकमा बिमल गुरूङले उपस्थिति नदिएर एउटा ठुलाे भुल गरि पठाए। भाजपाकाे घटक दलकाे रूपमा बिमल गुरूङलाई बैठकमा बाेलाईए पनि, GMCC ले नै अगुवा गर्न खाेजेकाे याे बैठकमा केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्रीले त्यति चासाे देखाएनन् र साेझै राज्यकाे मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जी संग कुरा गर्ने सुझाव दिए।

त्यसैलाई अाधार मानेर २४ अगस्तमा गाेरामुमाेकाे पक्षबाट वार्ताकाे निम्ति निरज जिम्बाले मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीलाई पत्राचार गरे।

२९ अगस्तकाे नवान्नकाे सर्वदलिय बैठक पछि, बिनय तामाङले १२ दिन अर्थात अघिल्लाे सभा सम्मकाे निम्ति बन्द स्थगित गर्ने सुझाव दिए।

३१ अगस्तमा पुनः एक सहिद
      - सहिद श्यामाला / प्रमिला राई, युथ हाेस्टेल

१ सितम्बरमा राेशन गिरीले, बन्द उठाउँनु जनअावाज बिरूद्ध रहेकाे ठहर गर्दै बिनय-अनित दुवैलाई दलबाट निकालिएकाे घाेषणा गरे। साेहिदिन सिक्किमकाे भुमीमै पसेर अर्का अान्दाेलनकारीलाई बंगाल पुलिसले सिकार गर।
      - सहिद दावा भाेटीया, पेदाेङ

१२ सितम्बरमा नवान्नमा हुने बैठकमा राज्यद्वारा बिनय-अनितलाईनै मान्यतादिने घाेषणा।

२० सितम्बरमा पश्चिम बंगालका मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीद्वारा बिनय तामाङलाई GTA काे BOA नियुक्त। बाेर्डमा अनित थापा, सन्चबिर सुब्बा, मन घिसिङ, मले दे (मुख्य सचिव), अमर सिंह राई (बिधायक), अनु छेत्री, ज्याेतिन खातुन अनि एल० बी० राई रहेकाे घाेषणा।

२२ सितम्बरमा केन्द्रीय वार्ता टाेलीका सदश्यहरू के० डी० प्रधान, पी० टी० अाेला अनि त्रिलाेक चन्द्र राेका गुडगाँव बाट पक्राउ गरियाे।

२६ सितम्बरमा केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्री राजनाथ सिंह द्वारा गाेर्खाल्याण्ड मुद्दा माथी सचिव स्तरिय वार्ता राख्ने निर्देश दिदै, गाेजमुमाेलाई अनिश्चितकालीन बन्द उठाउँने अपिल। केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्रीको वार्ताकाे पहल र अपिललाई सम्मान जनउँदै बिमल गुरूङद्वारा बन्द खाेलिएकाे घाेषणा।

२५ अक्टोबरमा पुलिस हिरासतमै रहेका र उपचाराधिन गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे अर्का वीर सिपाही सहिद। सम्पुर्ण पहाड शाेकाकुल।
      - सहिद बरूण भुजेल, पार्षद, कालेबुङ नगरपालिका ।

बंगला गितमा मनाएकाे भानु जयन्ती, जात-जातकाे बाेर्ड गठन, जिल्ला बिभाजन र बंगला भाषाकाे अनिवार्यताले सबै गाेर्खा सन्तानले जातिय असुरक्षा महशुस गरिरहेका थिए। विश्व भरि छरिएर बसेका गाेर्खाहरूले अान्दाेलनलाई समर्थन जनाई रहेका थिए।

बारम्बार पहाड शान्त छ भन्ने मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीकाे अालाेचनामा बिपक्षीहरू हात धाेएर लाग्न थाले। अाफ्नाे कार्यकालमा बंगालबाट अलग राज्य गाेर्खाल्याण्ड हुनुभनेकाे उनलाई बंगालकै ईतिहासले भाेली धिक्कार्नु हाे। बिपक्षीहरू यसै मुद्दालाई लिएर उनलाई सत्ताच्युत गराउँने ताकमा थिए। यस्ताेमा उनले जसरी भए पनि याे अान्दाेलन साम्य पार्नु थियाे। उनले लिएकाे कुनै पनि निर्णय बेसक बंगालकै हितमा हुनु पर्ने थियाे। उनले त्यसै गरिन् र बंगालकाे मुख्यमन्त्री हुनुकाे धर्म निभाईन्।

यता अान्दाेलनकारीहरू भने दिल्लीतिर हेर्दै कराई रहेका थिए। बंगाल सरकार संग वार्ता नगर्ने बिमल गुरूङकाे अडान स्पष्ट थियाे। यता अान्दाेलनकाे रूप दैनिक उग्र हुँदै गएपछि बंगाल सरकार अात्तिएकै अवस्थामा दिल्लीलाई गुहार मागे। केन्द्रीय  गृहमन्त्री राजनाथ सिंह र मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जी बिचकाे वार्ताले केन्द्रीय पुलिस बल दिएर बंगाललाई सहयाेग दिने वचन दिए। केन्द्रीय पुलिसबल अाए पछि अान्दाेलनकारीहरू शीत बंगाल सरकारकाे ब्यवहारनै बदलियाे।

यस अान्दाेलनमा सामुहिक नेतृत्व हुनु पर्छ भन्ने जाेर दिदै बिमल गुरूङलाई जीटीए त्याग्न भनियाे। जीएमसीसीकाे गठनले अान्दाेलनलाई थप उँचाई दिने अाशा गरिएकाे थियाे। प्रथम पंक्तिकाे नेतृत्वहरूकाे अभावमा जीएमसीसी लंगडाे मात्र हिड्याे। वास्तवमा प्रभावकारी कार्यक्रम दिन नसक्नुनै जीएमसीसीकाे असफलताकाे कारण रह्याे। बंगाललाई जसरी भए पनि अान्दाेलन साम्य पार्नु थियाे। साम, दाम, दण्ड र भेदकाे नीति लिएर अघि बडे। गाेरामुमाेबाट निरज जिम्बाले बिष पिएर लेखेकाे पत्र बंगालकाे निम्ति संजिवनी बुट्टी साबित भयाे।

अान्दाेलन पछिकाे अन्याेलता:

केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्रीको अाश्वासन पछि पहाड अन्यालग्रस्त बन्याे। बंगाल सरकारलाई अाच्छु-अाच्छु पारेकाे २०१७ काे अान्दाेलनकाे लाभ भन्दा धेरै हानीनै देखिन्छ। लगभग घुँडा टेकीसकेका बंगालका मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीकाे अन्तर्राष्ट्रियस्तरमा अालाेचनाहुन थालेपछि, बैठककाे निम्ति अाग्रह गरिरहेकी थिईन। भाषा विवादबाट शुरू भएकाे अान्दाेलन छुट्टै राज्यकाे मागमा रूपान्तर भए पछि बंगाल सरकार पनि असमंजसमा परेका थिए।

केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्रीले तृपक्षिय वार्ता राख्न सक्थे। देशकाे चार अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सिमाक्षेत्रमा पर्ने दार्जिलिङ असान्त हुनु भनेकाे देशकाे अान्तरिक सुरक्षाकाे बिषय थियाे। एउटा बिशुद्ध राजनैतिक मुद्दालाई राजनथ सिंहले कानुनी समस्या भनेर बताउन साथ गाेर्सखाकाे टाउकाेमा पुलिसकाे डण्ठा बजेन थाले।

देशकाे गृहमन्त्री, हाम्राे निम्ति कामै लागेनन्। बरू हाम्राे अान्दाेलन दबाउँन मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीलाई भरपुर सहयाेग गरे। स्वतन्त्र भारतकाे ईतिहासमा सबैभन्दा कमजाेर र डरछेरूवा गृहमन्त्री राजनाथ सिंह नै हुन्।

यसै अान्दाेलनले माटाे प्रेमी र चाैकि प्रेमी छुट्टीए यसकाे मुख्य लाभ भने बंगाल सरकारलाईनै भयाे।

२०१७ काे अगस्त महिनाकाे मध्यतिर अचानक एउठा बयान अायाे, "मलाई बङ्गाल सरकारसित मिलेर दार्जीलिङ र खरसाङका केही अवसरवादी नेताहरूले फसाउने षडयन्त्र गरिरहेका छन्। १०-१२ दिनमा उनीहरू को हुन्, म सार्वजनिक गर्नेछु।’

संसार भरि छरिएर बसेका गाेर्खाल्याण्ड समर्थकहरूकाे सहयाेग रहेकाे याे अान्दाेलनमा यस्ताे प्रकारकाे बयान अचानक अाउँनुले अाफैमा धेरै रहस्य बाेकेका थिएछन्। सम्पुर्ण गाेर्खाहरूकाे समर्थन रहेकाे साथै पहाड, तराई, डुवर्स एक भएकाे याे बृहत् अान्दाेलनमा यस्ताे कार्य कसले गर्लान् भनेर सायद कसैले पत्याएनन्। मैले पनि पत्याईंन त्यसबेला। तर बताउँनै परेन, समयले सबै कुराे उदाङ्गाे पारीदियाे।

अनिश्चितकालीन बन्द डाक्ने देखि जीटीएकाे चुक्ती पत्र जलाउँने सम्म गाेजमुमाे सह सचिव बिनय तामाङकाे भुमिका सराहनीय रह्याे। उनले अान्दाेलनलाई अाफै अघि अाएर नेतृत्व दिन खाेजेकाे दृश्यहरू जता ततै पाईन्छ। बंगाल सरकार संग मिलेर एक प्रकारले अान्दाेलन बिथाेलेकाे अाराेप लागे पनि वास्तवमा उनले गाेजमुमाेकाे सह-सचिव हुनुकाे धर्म वार्ता सम्म राम्रै निर्वाह गरे।

अान्दाेलनमा शिथिलता अाए पछि, एउटा अन्तरवार्तामा बिनय तामाङले भने, "बन्द यति लामाे हुन्छ भनेर मलाई थाहा थिएन"। यसरी नतिजा के हुन्छ भन्ने कुरा नबुझी बन्द डाक्ने नेताकाे पछि लागेर हामीले अनावश्यक दुःख पाएका थिएछाैं। अहिले अाएर बन्द डाक्ने मानिस नेता भएर मन्त्रीको अहाेदा पाएर गजक्क छन्। उनकाे अादेश मानेर बन्द गराउँनेहरू अदालतमा मुद्दा खेपिरहेका छन्। पुलिसले खेदिरहेका छन्।

क्रान्ति बिना मुक्ति हुँदैन। २०१७ काे जनअान्दाेलनले मुक्तिकाे मार्ग खाेजीरहेका थिए। अान्दाेलन साम्य भए पछि भने बिनय तामाङकाे भुमिका जनहित बिपरित देखिए। उनले बिमल गुरूङ गलत मार्गमा थिए भने, अान्दाेलनलाई त्यहिबाट उठाएर सहि दिशा दिनु पर्ने थियाे। बिनय - अनितले दिशा परिवर्तन गरेर बंगालतिर फर्किए । गाेर्खाकाे जातिय उन्मुक्तिकाे युद्धमा "मिरजाफरकाे" उपाधी लिएर भिखमा पाएकाे कुर्सीमा बिराजमान छन्। पुलिस- प्रशासनकाे अाडमा गरिएकाे कुट्नितीले जातिलाई कस्ताे निकाश दिने हाे हेर्न बाँकीनै छ। संसारमा कस्ता-कस्ता क्रुर शासकहरूकाे अन्त्य जनतालेनै गरेका छन्। दार्जिलिङ पनि अाखिर भुसभित्रकाे अागाेनै हाे, कहिले यसले बिकराल रूप लिनेछ, कल्पना बाहिरनै छ।

Sons without a Soil: Bhoomi is the Issue, Not Putra

8:19 PM
‘Bhoomiputra’ has become the latest catchphrase for political parties in Darjeeling Hills. CPRM was the first to announce former MP RB Rai as its candidate for 2019, soon followed by ‘bhoomiputra’ candidates from TMC-GJM (Binoy faction), Congress, CPIM. The lone ‘putri’ (daughter) in the fray is Reseeka Chhetri who has announced her candidacy as an independent contestant.

A New Catchphrase

Bhoomiputra or the son-of-the-soil theory is not new to Indian politics and have brought about sea change in the social narrative of our nation. However, for Darjeeling Hills, Bhoomiputra has never been an issue of asserting identity and have historically elected political representatives both from within and outside the region. After the Gorkhaland issue became the mainstream of Darjeeling Hills politics, people have always for the issue, notwithstanding party or leaders. The core philosophy of local politics has been aptly described in the words of Subash Ghising: “Party bhanda Jati thulo, Jati bhanda Maato thulo”

The whole jingoism about Bhoomiputra is only an attempt to divert public attention from the core issue of Gorkhaland. For every voter, Gorkhaland has always been the core political issue and the current generation have witnessed several dramas unfold around the statehood movement in their lives. After having made all efforts to divide the people through boards, councils, and administrations, the son-of-the-soil rhetoric is another ploy to crush the statehood movement and its supporters. This Bhumiputra debate is a classic case of using the ’US’ vs ‘THEM’ idea as a political tool.

The Friendship Treaty Bogey Call

The alliance of Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress and the Hills parties have conveniently shifted the goal post for Gorkhaland. In an article published by Economic Times, Binoy Tamang states “we must demand a review and revision of the India-Nepal Friendship treaty, and there should be a clear demarcation of borders between these two countries. This is the reason why people still call us Nepalese and treat us like foreigners. If this isn’t done, no way can we remove the foreigner tag. Gorkhaland has become a tool for politicians. Before every election, they sell us the dream of Gorkhaland. If we fail to correct the basic issues which are stopping us from getting Gorkhaland, Gorkhas will continue to die and we will never achieve our goal”.

The Government of India formed an Eminent Person’s Group (EPG) in 2014, comprising of experts from both India and Nepal to examine the Indo-Nepal Friendship Treaty 1950 and modify its provisions to reflect the realities of current times. This committee has taken representation on Indo-Nepal Friendship Treaty from various sections of the society from both India and Nepal, and already submitted their final report in July of 2018. The Government of India is expected to renew the treaty in the later half of 2019. With or without TMC-GJM(BT) group making it an election issue.

The sudden realization that the India-Nepal Friendship treaty is the obstacle to the identity and statehood movement to be led by TMC is highly doubtful. If we remember, this is the same government which hounded Gorkhaland movement supporters for months and even killed 13 innocent protestors in broad daylight.

A new beginning for hill politics

Be it the first memorandum submitted by Hillmen Association in 1907, the violence of 1980s, or the recent 2017 agitation, the demand has been a separate administration and self-rule within India’s democratic union. The Anglo-Nepal treaty is an international treaty between two nations and are being discussed at the level. The Gorkha statehood movement is a demand for state protection for Indian Gorkhas who have been left out in the constitutional process. It is a desire for the recognition, respect, and integration of Gorkha peoples in the Indian nation-state

Now as GJM (Bimal faction) and GNLF have come together to fight the elections and carry the Gorkhaland issue forward, there is a chance that Gorkhaland will not be decimated from the central politics. If the primary objective is to push forward the Gorkhaland issue, then the goal should be to find the right person to do it. There is no point harping on ‘Bhoomiputra’ where there is no ‘Bhoomi’ in the first place.

To have one Gorkhaland supporting MP in the Lot Sabha is to have a voice in the parliament. With the coming together of the two parties, the TMC led alliance is startled. Mainstream media is already abuzz with digging out the violent history and personal differences of leaders to create a rift. In coming days, there could be more incidents reported to fuel the differences of the past.

As voters, we can only hope that GJM and GNLF remain true to the cause because it is Gorkhaland issue had brought them to the position they are today. They must realize that the core issue for which they have fought is much bigger than the rewards of local politics.

For the voters, we must realize that five years is a long time, long enough for one generation of kids to forget about the issue. The solution might take time, but voting the right candidate is the only way we have to keep our issue alive in political discourse in the center. To lose that voice for 5 years will take us back further.

Leaders and parties are free to campaign and promise anything as long as we know what we want.

[Originally Posted here https://thedarjeelingchronicle.com/darjeeling-elections-bhoomiputra-issue/]
 
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