Showing posts with label Politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Politics. Show all posts

Mamata Banerjee's announcement to woo the hill voters

9:09 PM
TMC
Darjeeling: In a public meeting jointly held by Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM Binay Faction) and Trinamool Congress TMC Mamata Banerjee made some important announcements just 7 days before Darjeeling goes to vote. The meeting was attended by various Development Boards,  the Hill TMC and GJM (Binay Anit Faction).
Mamata Banerjee's announcement to woo the hill voters
Mamata Banerjee in Darjeeling 

Following are West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s announcement in chowk Bazar, Darjeeling today at the public meeting.

1.)  The compensation of the tea garden workers during 105 days strike (Rs 15000) to be given in terms of humanity after the election.

2.) The landright documents to be given to the resident of Tea Estate, Cinchona plantation , Muncipality and D.I. Fund areas.

3)  The national identity and Security  of the Gorkhas to be fulfilled.

4) Three MLS to be from GJM

5) resumption of registration of flats and private properties in Darjeeling Municipality Area.

Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has played her cards well, now the ball is on the other side of the court. With these announcements she has urged people to vote for Amar Singh Rai, Tronamool candidate from Darjeeling in the upcoming Lok Sabha Election.


Open Letter to Mr Amar Singh Rai, from an Ex- student

6:12 PM


Dear Amar Sir,

It's been a long time since we have been in touch and you probably won’t remember my name and face, even if I brought it here.
Unfortunately the situation in the hills is such that I cannot even do that. I cannot write this open letter with my real name and identity because the political party you are from and the party which has nominated you as their MP candidate don’t know what democracy is and how it works.
 The concept of Freedom of Speech is rocket science to them and they willfully ignore that it is my constitutional right. For that matter they don’t even know what Constitution is. So I apologise for bothering you anonymously.

But the questions I raise here, are genuine.

It’s been almost a decade that I passed out from College but had always carried the pride of being one of your students. Always looked upon you as a man of intellect, integrity and statesmanship. But now I FEEL LET DOWN.
Open Letter to Mr Amar Singh Rai, from an Ex- student.
Amar Singh Rai with Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee

In 2016, when your name was announced by the then GJMM as the MLA candidate from Darjeeling,it was a very exciting and proud moment for me, I still remember texting to almost all my Whatsapp contacts about you and asking them all to vote for you. Wrote articles and posts in social media in your  support, campaigned for you in my locality and to my relatives. I did everything possible in my own little way  to make you win.

But now, I FEEL BETRAYED. Yes sir, you betrayed me and 10000s like me.
Why sir? Why?

I never expected your political ambition would one day make you choose the camp of traitors and band of enemies.  Never thought you would be so unscrupulous behind that polite, decent,well-mannered personality. Was that a farce or is what you show today one?

Anyway, let me stop this emotional rant and lay down what I am here to say. I have few questions for you sir. I don’t expect to you reply to me, because I am very aware that there’s no reply and even if the reply comes it would be nothing but lies and deceit mired in ambiguity.

Sir, I have noticed that you have been promising people in Tea Estates, Cinchona Garden and Forest Dwellers about their Land Rights. That reminded me of the GJMM Manifesto of 2016 (Of course I have shared that manifesto to 100s of people while campaigning for you) and the promises you made that time. My question is how many times have you raised the issue in Bidhan Sabha in past 2 years?

You are a very learned and knowledgeable person (at least that’s what I believed), especially about civic and political science. I don’t have to remind you that Land is the subject matter that comes under the State List of power distribution in our Constitution.

So, don’t you think you were/are in a perfect place as a MLA in state assembly to press for the demand of Land Rights for our people?
Where on earth did you get the idea of going to Delhi (Lok Sabha) for getting something that is in Kolkata (Bidhan Sabha)? I apologise if I sound disrespectful here but it seems to me you are losing your intellectuality by being in the company of liars and frauds. Or have you turned into one too?

Sir, the party and the leader that has nominated you for MP has been in power for the past 7 years in the state. They had every authority and capacity to grant Land Rights to our people but they never looked into that. How can you now stand along with them and tell our people that is what the party will provide for them?
Sir, why are you fooling us? The Chief Minister and her administrative and political dispensation’s policy towards us has always been that of a colonist, what makes you  think that she has changed her attitude toward us?

You talk about the welfare of Tea workers but do you know (off course you know) that one of the Tea Garden Owner who hasn’t paid blood and sweat money of 6 tea garden workers and abandoned thousands of them is from the same party you are a  candidate of and he still enjoys political protection from the leader whose ticket you are contesting on? Even you must know, she is a top class hypocrite. She talks about the welfare of tea workers, and yet she protects the people who subjugate them? And you have been speaking the same language in recent days. Why this hypocrisy sir? Why this sycophancy sir? 

By the way, there has been an allegation that your party compromised on the 5% of Bonus of the Tea workers, so that the tea garden owners would benefit?  Do you think such  people will work for the welfare of our Tea Workers?

Sir, do you remember what happened in 2017? Do you remember how they tried to impose their language upon us? Do you know how we had to bleed to oppose and safeguard our language? It’s the same power and people whom who you are trying to project today as a messiah.Why sir? The person and power who wanted to dilute our language, culture, identity is today talking about giving  us “identity” and you want us to believe that?? Why are you trying to fool yourself and us too sir??

And the most shocking, but now no more surprising was the statement you made day before in a press conference. “No, No, Gorkhaland is not in our Agenda”, well that was much anticipated. The day you joined Enemy of Jaati, you buried the Agenda of Gorkhaland. But the most upsetting is what you said after that. “Because we feel that there are other priorities, more important than Gorkhaland”, Really!! You got something more important than Gorkhaland?? What is that? You political ambition? Money? What is it?

No, don’t tell me about “development” thing.

Remember, I am your student and you cannot fool me with that “development” narrative. Please don’t even try to. I have seen the “development” of your leader, I know the definition of “development” of your political colleagues. And I know they know nothing about it.

You newfound leader has time and again categorically put “Bongo Vongo Hobena”. And you want us to believe that our identity issue will be solved without bifurcating the state??
Sir, are you the same Amar Singh Rai who taught us?? Do you even remember what your political thought, ideology and principle was?

Sir, a very important question to you. You were a political pundit and I do hope your Political anticipation capacity hasn’t eroded yet. Have you ever thought what the impression, effect of the so called Caste based “Development Boards” will be in the  coming census of 2021 when all will be asked to write their language based on their caste? Don’t you think the Nepali Language speaking (as per census) people will be reduced to a minority? And won't that lead to the removal of our language from 8th schedule of Indian Constitution? And won't that led to dilution and loss of our only constitutional guarantee? Now tell me who initiated such move to divide us and demean us and dilute our identity? Isn’t she the same person who you want us to believe will work for our identity?? 

Sir, I am disappointed. You have betrayed me. I cannot wish you the best in this election. Because you have joined the camp that enjoys killing us, have snatched our rights, burned our homes, threatens to rape our mothers and sisters. In the last 2 elections of yours, I supported you. Voted for you. Campaigned for you. But I am sorry sir, this election I will vote for my community. I will vote to safeguard my Jaati from enemies outside and within.
I don’t know who will win but I hope you don’t.

Thanking you.
A disappointed student of yours.

ELECTION 2019: NRC, the latest talking point

3:11 PM
Writes NN Ojha

BJP chief Amit Shah’s declaration in Alipurduar on 29 March that NRC will be implemented in West Bengal if BJP came to power has  ignited a debate about how NRC might impact people in Darjeeling hills. The debate has further intensified after Prime Minister Modi repeated his party chief’s statement during his public address in Jalpaiguri on 3 April. While doing so PM assured that the exercise will not harm the Gorkhas in any way. He however avoided saying if it would bring any benefits to the Gorkha. As expected TMC chief Mamta Banerjee took no time in countering the BJP leadership’s statements adding that NRC is a political ploy of BJP to cause dissensions in society and coupled with the Citizens Amendment Bill (CAB) 2016 the scheme makes their communal agenda clear.

In an polarised political atmosphere combined with soon to be held elections debates often tend to be reduced to canvassing and propaganda  for or against the parties in the fray.  The debate on NRC sparked off by Amit Shah and Narendra Modi is no exception.

Preparation, establishment and maintenance of a ‘National Register of Indian Citizens’ (NRC) is provided for in The Citizenship (Registration of Citizens and Issuing of National Identity Cards) Rules originally framed in 1956 as last amended in July 2003. Rule 3(1) of these rules mandates the Registrar General of Citizens Registration ‘to establish and maintain NRC for the whole of India’, not selectively for any particular state or UT

Two questions arise; one, if NRC is mandated for the whole of India why do Amit Shah or Narenfra Modi single out West Bengal for its introduction repeatedly and second, Is the NRC capable of yielding results as per its stated objectives. For examining both these questions we will have to look to the ongoing exercise on NRC in Assam.

In spite of applicability of NRC all over the country Assam is the only state to have had it introduced way back in 1951. The reasons for this exception are in Assam’s  peculiar historical background. The state has had problem of immigrants ever since it was ceded to the  British colonial rulers by the Burmese rulers in 1826.  Alarm bells were rung for the first time in 1931 when CS Mullen Superintendent of Census reported about ‘invasion by hordes of land-hungry immigrants on Assam in the last 25 years that could destroy the whole structure of Assamese culture and civilisation’. The problem  persisted even after independence with an added dimension of national security after the partition of India. As a result an Assam specific legislation, Immigrants (Expulsion from Assam) Act 1950 was passed by the Parliament and Assam became the very first state of India to have an NRC in 1951 for identification and expulsion of illegal immigrants as per the Act.

The exception made in case of Assam because of compulsions of history and law does not take away the fundamental point that as per existing law NRC’s applicability is for the whole of India and singling out west Bengal in particular on election eve is legally and politically improper. We will examine possible reasons for this intimidatory singling out of West Bengal little later. First let us see what has been our experience of Assam NRC in terms of results achieved.

The main objective of  NRC was to identify illegal immigrants  and expel them. Barely ten years after the first NRC the 1961 census found number of illegal immigrants in Assam  to be nearly 2.25 lakhs. In a white paper issued by the Home department of Assam the estimate shot up to five lakhs. In the draft NRC published under the ongoing updation currently underway nearly four millions claimants to citizenship have been excluded for want of certainty about their citizenship status. It is obvious NRC has not contained the influx of illegal migrants in the State even after six decades of its introduction in 1951.

Let us look at the other objective of expulsion of illegal migrants after they are identified as such following the NRC. In  February this year during the  hearing of current status of Assam NRC updation government of India submitted before the apex court that out of 52000 individuals identified as foreigners by the Tribunal set up under Foreigners Act of 1946 only 162 were deported. This is an irrefutable proof of the failure of NRC in curbing infiltration or expelling infiltrators. Interestingly it was also submitted by the government before the court that 27000 individuals attempting to cross over from the border into Assam were pushed back by our security forces. Quite obviously a vigorous security setup to guard the borders against infiltration is more effective than an elaborate and time and resource consuming exercise of NRC that till now has hardly resulted in anything but discord and disaffection in society and harassment and humiliation of our own citizens.

These being the results why the idea of NRC is being marketed so aggressively by BJP for Bengal? Obviously the motive appears political. When you see NRC in conjunction with BJP’s another brainchild the Citizenship Amendment Bill (CAB) 2016 the motive becomes crystal clear. CAB divides illegal immigrants into infiltrators liable to be expelled and refugees likely to be granted citizenship depending upon the faith they practise. Thus by combining the two BJP may expect to neutralise anti BJP vote of those liable to be expelled and  consolidate its hold on those likely to be granted citizenship. People in Assam and other North Eastern states see CAB as a counter measure to nullify the objectives of NRC and have risen in protest against what they term  BJP’s   duplicity.

How will NRC if introduced in Bengal impact people in Darjeeling region? We have PM  Modi simply saying this won’t harm the Gorkhas but choosing not to say that it would benefit them. Then we have Raju Bista saying NRC will benefit the Gorkha by making them more secure in their land without explaining how exactly. At the cutting edge level we have  BJP supporters canvassing relentlessly that if NRC comes ‘90% of the Bengali speaking people in terai and duars will be pushed back to Bangladesh’. I am not aware how they are sure of their figures or the end result. However they seem unaware of the perilous procedure fraught with long spells of harassment, humiliation and uncertainty for the common man irrespective of who is pushed back to another country and who is entitled to remain in the end. They are also unaware that if CAB comes - and it is sure to come if NRC comes, both being dependent on BJP’s return to power - then many among those our friends are expecting to be pushed back to Bangladesh may end up getting citizenship due to the faith they practise. Obviously the painstaking propaganda by some of our youngsters is either a command performance or due to ignorance about the procedure involved. My advise to them is to go through the Citizenship (Registration of citizens and issuing of National Identity cards) Rules of 1956 and their 22 amendments, the last one being of 7 July 2003 and be unbiased in their views.

It is true that no Gorkha can be liable for expulsion from India irrespective of whether or not there is NRC in Bengal. Even those who may be deemed to be citizens of Nepal and not India can remain under the Indo-Nepal treaty of 1950. To that extent the PM is right that NRC will not harm the Gorkhas but there is no additional benefit that it brings to the table for Gorkhas which the Gorkhas don’t have already. When you think of this status quo with or without NRC and take into account the harassment, humiliation, uncertainty and the enormous resources needed for the exercise it may appear to be futile and even counter productive. In Assam where just an updation exercise for an existing NRC is going on nearly 40000 workers (30000 regular government  employees and 10000 contract workers) are engaged in the task. Twenty different types of customised computer soft wares have been developed mostly through private sector at huge cost and over 2500 data digitisation hubs established for the purpose. Diversion of such huge resources for an exercise at the end of which you are getting ready with another law to grant citizenship to many who may be found to be illegal immigrants or if you are able to deport only 162 illegals out of 52000 identified definitely needs to be given a fresh look. If your motives are purely political for which you couldn’t care less for the resources or  the harassment common people are subjected to during the exercise then it is a different story.

I am not for a moment arguing that we need not have NRC and let India be a caravan serai for immigrants. What I am saying is do not use NRC as an electoral gimmick and if you have NRC at huge cost to the nation do not neutralise its gains by a counter statute like the CAB. My argument is also to see if the objectives of NRC could be fulfilled by having a robust border guarding system instead of the cumbersome and frightfully expensive procedures involved in NRC that also become unduly bothersome for the common man. My appeal to every one is not to mix up a legal issue that also has bearing on national security with petty politics and unfounded or exaggerated claims about its gains or pitfalls.

Via The DT

Darjeeling Lok Sabha Election 2019 and the Gorkhas

9:10 AM
TMC
Darjeeling Parliamentary Constituency Election 2019 and the Gorkhas: Some Observations

Writes: Dr Vimal Khawas

The Gorkhas of Darjeeling Hills, as initially decided, could not arrive at a common consensus candidate. Therefore, a total of sixteen (16) potential and aspiring candidates affiliated to various political parties as well as those desiring to contest as independent candidates have filed their nominations for the position of the Member of Parliament from Darjeeling Lok Sabha Constituency in the upcoming General Elections, 2019. Darjeeling Constituency is, perhaps, one of the most fiercely contested constituencies in the country today.


If we closely examine the current electoral landscape in the region, the pattern broadly looks as follows:

Clearly, chances of an independent candidate to emerge victoriously are slim to none, both because of their past political baggage and also due to the lack of their ability to create an adequate platform for grassroots mobilizations. Further, lesser political parties like, CPIM, BSP, IDRF, GRC and even national parties like INC may also not be able to wield much impact in the ensuing election due to both local and regional political dynamics.

Consequently, there are primarily two probable political scenarios to choose from before us for this election. Leaving aside political contenders highlighted above, the real fight is only between TMC (supported by GJMM2) and BJP (supported by GJMM1 and GNLF).

Scenario #1:

If we vote for TMC and make them victorious, there is a very high degree of probability that Mamata Banerjee would gradually grab the entire region under her fold. This election is just a gateway for Mamata and her party TMC to bigger political shares in the region via MLA and GTA elections, subsequently. The steady increase of TMC domination in the hills also means steady uprooting and waning of Gorkha identity and Gorkha political aspirations. They are inversely related to each other.

Under such a situation, in a decade or two, the entire notion of Gorkha and Gorkhaland may have been rendered irrelevant! We may be only referred to as a Thapa, a Chettri, a Bhujel, a Damai, a Rai, a Kami, a Sherpa, a Limbu, a Lepcha, a Bahun, a Dukpa, a Sarki, a Newar or Nepalis and many times immigrant Nepalis. We would, most probably, cease to be the Gorkhas. No one would have the guts to utter ‘Jai Gorkha’. We all may collectively and/or forcefully be made to chant ‘Jai Bangla’.

She is already on her way up the hills with a number of detrimental political cards. Her Development Board approach is one of the ways forward in this regard. She would never go for such appeasement politics had she loved the region and its people, to the extent of dividing the Gorkhas into ethnic lines. More importantly, TMC’s unscientific and draconic handling of the 2013 and 2017 Gorkhaland agitation/uprising is yet another critical example of how it perceives the Gorkhas and their long pending aspirations in the region.

Scenario #2:

If we vote for BJP and render them victorious, nothing may happen. The last 10 years were rather fruitless and going by that trend, the next five years may not bear fruit, either.BJP may be busy spreading its political and strategic tentacles across geographical spaces of the country with its Hindutva card. It may keep on struggling to take control of Bengal but without any notable results. BJP would not give us Gorkhaland! They have their state government in Assam. Has Bodoland been able to see the light of the day?

This MP would, in all likelihood remain a mere puppet within the larger framework and schemes of Bharatiya Janata Party!

However, the Gorkhas will have the freedom to shout ‘Jai Gorkha’ and ‘We want Gorkhaland’ under BJP unlike under TMC which is fundamentally and ideologically against the idea of Gorkha and Gorkhaland! And yes Gorkhas would, at least, have the hope to have their own separate state called ‘Gorkhaland’ or to be known by any other name someday.

Sapana nai bhaye pani haami dekhneh chau ra dekhi rahaneh chau

The choice is ours, to opt for scenario #1 or #2. No one shall force us.

Concluding Note:

The unscientific, unorganized and premature conclusion of 2017 Gorkha uprising has deeply lowered the self-respect and dignity of the entire Gorkha community. It may be difficult to reinstate our old glory in the foreseeable future unless we unite and stay united. For the first time, I feel insecure to wear a T-shirt that reads ‘I support Gorkhaland’ even in Kalimpong, not to talk of Siliguri.

For me ‘Entry of TMC into Darjeeling Politics is beginning of the end of Gorkha Political Aspirations’

[Originally posted on : https://thedarjeelingchronicle.com/darjeeling-parliamentary-constituency-election-2019-and-the-gorkhas-some-observations/]

गाेर्खाल्याण्ड : भुसभित्रकाे अागाे

10:13 PM
हालै एउटा समसामयिक पत्रिकामा प्रकाशित एउटा लेख।

                             
   ।। गाेर्खाल्याण्ड : भुसभित्रकाे अागाे ।।
                                                                                                     ✍ पुरण छेत्री

बर्ष २०१७, दार्जिलिङबासीहरूले कहिल्यै भुल्न नसकिने बर्ष भएर गए। करिब एक चाैथाई बर्ष दार्जिलिङले हडतालमै बिताए। कतिले यी सबै घटनाहरू भुले तर बिनय - अनितलाई भने याे अान्दाेलन ढकमक्क फूले।

अलिकति पृष्ठभूमि :

१६ मई २०१७ मा बंगालका शिक्षा मन्त्री पार्थ च्याटर्जीले राज्यभरिनै कक्षा १ देखि १० सम्म बंगाली भाषा अनिवार्य भएकाे घाेषणा गरे। बर्षाै देखि अाफ्नाे जातिय सुरक्षाकाे प्रश्न लिएर अाफ्नाे छुट्टै राज्य हुनु पर्छ भन्ने भावना पालेर बसेका गाेर्खाहरूकाे मुटुमा याे घाेषणा काँडा भएर बिझे। १९८६ मा सुबास घिसिङकाे अान्दाेलनकालमा जन्मिएका बालक ३० बर्षकाे लक्का बेकारी जवान बनिसकेकाे अवस्थामा याे निर्णय बिकशित जातिले हामीमाथी जबर्जस्ती थाेपिएकाे निर्णय महशुस गरे। चारैतिरबाट यसकाे बिराेध हुन शुरू भयाे।

जुन ५, २०१७ मा बंगालका मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जी पहाड भ्रमनमा अाईन्। उनकाे भ्रमण अवधि मिरिक सौरेनीमा कालो झण्डा देखाउने वीर अान्दोलनकारी नाेलडाँडाका पूर्ण सिंह राईलाई अाधा घण्टा भित्रै पक्राउ गरिएकाे थियाे। यसरी शुरू भयाे २०१७ काे भाषा अतिक्रमण बिरूद्ध अान्दाेलन। पूर्ण सिंह राईनै २०१७ काे अान्दाेलनमा पक्रा पर्ने पहिलाे अान्दाेलनकारी हुन्। भारत जस्ताे विशाल गणतन्त्रमा अाफुलाई मन नपरेकाे कुराेकाे शान्तिपूर्ण ढंगमा बिराेध गर्न सकिन्छ। अन्य राज्यहरूमा भने थप्पड हान्ने, जुत्ता-चप्पलकाे झटाराे हान्ने, कलमकाे मसी छर्कने जस्ता घट्नाहरू भएका छन्। तर बंगालमा शासकदलकाे बिराेध गर्नुलाई राष्ट्रद्राेहनै मानिन्छन्। यसले बंगालकाे राजनैतिक संस्कार कतातिर लम्किरहेकाे छ भनेर अनुमान लगाउँन सकिन्छ।

अान्दाेलनका केही घटनाहरू:

जुन् ८,२०१७ मा पूर्व घाेषणा अनुरूप दार्जिलिङमा राज्यका मन्त्री परिषदकाे "क्याबिनेट स्तरीय" बैठक राज भवनमा चलिरहेकाे थियाे। गाेजमुमाेले साेही क्याबिनेटमा गाेर्खा बाहुल क्षेत्रहरूमा बंगाली भाषा "अनिवार्य" नरहने प्रस्तावना पास गराउँन दबाव दिईरहेकाे थियाे। क्याबिनेटमा साे बिषयकाे चर्चा नभए पनि मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीले सभा पश्चात, "पहाडमा बंगाली भाषा एच्छिक बिषय मात्र रहने" घाेषणा गरिन्। असन्तुष्ट प्रदर्शनकारीहरू र पुलिसमाझ भएकाे झडपले निकै ठुलाे रूप लिने छाँट देखे पछि सेना उतार्न परेकाे थियाे। पश्चिम बंगाल सरकारले साेहि दिन देखि, जी०ट०ए० चेयरम्यान बिमल गुरूङकाे सुरक्षा गार्ड फिर्ता लगे।

युवा माेर्चाकाे १२ घण्टा पहाड बन्दकाे घाेषणा, मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीकाे सिलगडी प्रस्थान र केही अागजनी घटनाहरू बिच, १३ जुनकाे दिन पहाडकाे राजनैतिक दलहरूकाे सभाले अब उसाे पुनः अलग राज्य गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे माग अघि बडाउँने प्रस्ताव पारित गरे। जीटीए संग असन्तुष्ट रहेका गाेजमुमाे प्रमुख बिमल गुरूङले "गाेर्खाल्याण्ड" मुद्दा यथावत राख्दै चुक्ती गरेकाले उक्त मागलाई फेरि अघि बढाउँन सकिने प्रशस्त ठाउँ थियाे। पहाडमा सबै भन्दा बलियाे र व्यापक जन समर्थन रहेकाे दल गाेजमुमाे रहेकाेले राज्य सरकारलाई अलग राज्यकाे अान्दाेलन तेज गराउँन सक्ने भय पनि गाेजमुमाेसंग नै थियाे।

२०१७ काे जुन १५ मा अचानक पुलिसले गाेजमुमाे कार्यलय र अध्यक्ष बिमल गुरूङकाे घरमा छापा मारे पछि, बिनय तामाङले "अनिश्चितकालीन बन्दकाे" घाेषणा गरे।

१७ जुनमा जनअान्दाेलन र गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे अान्दाेलन  शहिदहरूकाे रगतले रंगिए।
      - सहिद सुनिल राई, कैंजले
      - सहिद बिमल शासांकर, गाेक
      - सहिद महेश गुरूङ, रेलिङ

१८ जुनबाट सरकारले पहाडमा ईन्टरनेट बन्द गरिदिए। यसले अान्दाेलनकारीमाझ खवरकाे अादान प्रदानमा बाधा अायाे।

२० जुनकाे सर्वदलीय बैठक पछि, जीटीएका ४५ जना सभासदकाे राजिनामा, जीटीए खारेज अादीकाे प्रस्तावना हुुँदै अनिश्चितकालीन बन्द बिस्तारै १३ दिनमा प्रवेश गरे। गाेजमुमाेकाे प्रभावकारी कार्यक्रम र बंगाल सरकारलाई चाप दिने नीति अनुरूप तत्कालीन गाेजमुमाे  २७ जुनमा सह सचिव बिनय तामाङकाे अगुवाईमा २०११ मा गरिएकाे जीटीएकाे चुक्ती पत्र जलाईयाे।

जुलाई महिना भरि घरि केन्द्लाई रिझाउँने, घरि गाली गर्ने त कहिले राम्राे खवर अाउँने हल्लाहरू बिचदैनिक धर्ना र जुलुसहरू जारी रहे।

७ जुलाई जनअान्दाेलन र गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे अान्दाेलन  पुन: शहिदकाे रगतले रंगिए।
      - सहिद टाँसी भाेटीया, साेनादा

८ जुलाईमा जनअान्दाेलन र गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे अान्दाेलन  फेरि शहिदहरूकाे रगतले रंगिए।
      - सहिद सुरज भुसाल, तुङसुङ
      - सहिद समीर गुरूङ, सिंहमारी
      - सहिद अशाेक तामाङ, लुईस जुबली

१७ जुलाईमा जनअान्दाेलन र गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे अान्दाेलन  अझ शहिदहकाे रगतले रंगिए।
      - सहिद अाशिष तामाङ, मगरजुङ

अगस्त १३ मा केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्रीले डाकेकाे बैठकमा बिमल गुरूङ अनुपस्थित रहे। केन्द्रले डाकेकाे बैठकमा बिमल गुरूङले उपस्थिति नदिएर एउटा ठुलाे भुल गरि पठाए। भाजपाकाे घटक दलकाे रूपमा बिमल गुरूङलाई बैठकमा बाेलाईए पनि, GMCC ले नै अगुवा गर्न खाेजेकाे याे बैठकमा केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्रीले त्यति चासाे देखाएनन् र साेझै राज्यकाे मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जी संग कुरा गर्ने सुझाव दिए।

त्यसैलाई अाधार मानेर २४ अगस्तमा गाेरामुमाेकाे पक्षबाट वार्ताकाे निम्ति निरज जिम्बाले मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीलाई पत्राचार गरे।

२९ अगस्तकाे नवान्नकाे सर्वदलिय बैठक पछि, बिनय तामाङले १२ दिन अर्थात अघिल्लाे सभा सम्मकाे निम्ति बन्द स्थगित गर्ने सुझाव दिए।

३१ अगस्तमा पुनः एक सहिद
      - सहिद श्यामाला / प्रमिला राई, युथ हाेस्टेल

१ सितम्बरमा राेशन गिरीले, बन्द उठाउँनु जनअावाज बिरूद्ध रहेकाे ठहर गर्दै बिनय-अनित दुवैलाई दलबाट निकालिएकाे घाेषणा गरे। साेहिदिन सिक्किमकाे भुमीमै पसेर अर्का अान्दाेलनकारीलाई बंगाल पुलिसले सिकार गर।
      - सहिद दावा भाेटीया, पेदाेङ

१२ सितम्बरमा नवान्नमा हुने बैठकमा राज्यद्वारा बिनय-अनितलाईनै मान्यतादिने घाेषणा।

२० सितम्बरमा पश्चिम बंगालका मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीद्वारा बिनय तामाङलाई GTA काे BOA नियुक्त। बाेर्डमा अनित थापा, सन्चबिर सुब्बा, मन घिसिङ, मले दे (मुख्य सचिव), अमर सिंह राई (बिधायक), अनु छेत्री, ज्याेतिन खातुन अनि एल० बी० राई रहेकाे घाेषणा।

२२ सितम्बरमा केन्द्रीय वार्ता टाेलीका सदश्यहरू के० डी० प्रधान, पी० टी० अाेला अनि त्रिलाेक चन्द्र राेका गुडगाँव बाट पक्राउ गरियाे।

२६ सितम्बरमा केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्री राजनाथ सिंह द्वारा गाेर्खाल्याण्ड मुद्दा माथी सचिव स्तरिय वार्ता राख्ने निर्देश दिदै, गाेजमुमाेलाई अनिश्चितकालीन बन्द उठाउँने अपिल। केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्रीको वार्ताकाे पहल र अपिललाई सम्मान जनउँदै बिमल गुरूङद्वारा बन्द खाेलिएकाे घाेषणा।

२५ अक्टोबरमा पुलिस हिरासतमै रहेका र उपचाराधिन गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे अर्का वीर सिपाही सहिद। सम्पुर्ण पहाड शाेकाकुल।
      - सहिद बरूण भुजेल, पार्षद, कालेबुङ नगरपालिका ।

बंगला गितमा मनाएकाे भानु जयन्ती, जात-जातकाे बाेर्ड गठन, जिल्ला बिभाजन र बंगला भाषाकाे अनिवार्यताले सबै गाेर्खा सन्तानले जातिय असुरक्षा महशुस गरिरहेका थिए। विश्व भरि छरिएर बसेका गाेर्खाहरूले अान्दाेलनलाई समर्थन जनाई रहेका थिए।

बारम्बार पहाड शान्त छ भन्ने मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीकाे अालाेचनामा बिपक्षीहरू हात धाेएर लाग्न थाले। अाफ्नाे कार्यकालमा बंगालबाट अलग राज्य गाेर्खाल्याण्ड हुनुभनेकाे उनलाई बंगालकै ईतिहासले भाेली धिक्कार्नु हाे। बिपक्षीहरू यसै मुद्दालाई लिएर उनलाई सत्ताच्युत गराउँने ताकमा थिए। यस्ताेमा उनले जसरी भए पनि याे अान्दाेलन साम्य पार्नु थियाे। उनले लिएकाे कुनै पनि निर्णय बेसक बंगालकै हितमा हुनु पर्ने थियाे। उनले त्यसै गरिन् र बंगालकाे मुख्यमन्त्री हुनुकाे धर्म निभाईन्।

यता अान्दाेलनकारीहरू भने दिल्लीतिर हेर्दै कराई रहेका थिए। बंगाल सरकार संग वार्ता नगर्ने बिमल गुरूङकाे अडान स्पष्ट थियाे। यता अान्दाेलनकाे रूप दैनिक उग्र हुँदै गएपछि बंगाल सरकार अात्तिएकै अवस्थामा दिल्लीलाई गुहार मागे। केन्द्रीय  गृहमन्त्री राजनाथ सिंह र मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जी बिचकाे वार्ताले केन्द्रीय पुलिस बल दिएर बंगाललाई सहयाेग दिने वचन दिए। केन्द्रीय पुलिसबल अाए पछि अान्दाेलनकारीहरू शीत बंगाल सरकारकाे ब्यवहारनै बदलियाे।

यस अान्दाेलनमा सामुहिक नेतृत्व हुनु पर्छ भन्ने जाेर दिदै बिमल गुरूङलाई जीटीए त्याग्न भनियाे। जीएमसीसीकाे गठनले अान्दाेलनलाई थप उँचाई दिने अाशा गरिएकाे थियाे। प्रथम पंक्तिकाे नेतृत्वहरूकाे अभावमा जीएमसीसी लंगडाे मात्र हिड्याे। वास्तवमा प्रभावकारी कार्यक्रम दिन नसक्नुनै जीएमसीसीकाे असफलताकाे कारण रह्याे। बंगाललाई जसरी भए पनि अान्दाेलन साम्य पार्नु थियाे। साम, दाम, दण्ड र भेदकाे नीति लिएर अघि बडे। गाेरामुमाेबाट निरज जिम्बाले बिष पिएर लेखेकाे पत्र बंगालकाे निम्ति संजिवनी बुट्टी साबित भयाे।

अान्दाेलन पछिकाे अन्याेलता:

केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्रीको अाश्वासन पछि पहाड अन्यालग्रस्त बन्याे। बंगाल सरकारलाई अाच्छु-अाच्छु पारेकाे २०१७ काे अान्दाेलनकाे लाभ भन्दा धेरै हानीनै देखिन्छ। लगभग घुँडा टेकीसकेका बंगालका मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीकाे अन्तर्राष्ट्रियस्तरमा अालाेचनाहुन थालेपछि, बैठककाे निम्ति अाग्रह गरिरहेकी थिईन। भाषा विवादबाट शुरू भएकाे अान्दाेलन छुट्टै राज्यकाे मागमा रूपान्तर भए पछि बंगाल सरकार पनि असमंजसमा परेका थिए।

केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्रीले तृपक्षिय वार्ता राख्न सक्थे। देशकाे चार अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सिमाक्षेत्रमा पर्ने दार्जिलिङ असान्त हुनु भनेकाे देशकाे अान्तरिक सुरक्षाकाे बिषय थियाे। एउटा बिशुद्ध राजनैतिक मुद्दालाई राजनथ सिंहले कानुनी समस्या भनेर बताउन साथ गाेर्सखाकाे टाउकाेमा पुलिसकाे डण्ठा बजेन थाले।

देशकाे गृहमन्त्री, हाम्राे निम्ति कामै लागेनन्। बरू हाम्राे अान्दाेलन दबाउँन मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीलाई भरपुर सहयाेग गरे। स्वतन्त्र भारतकाे ईतिहासमा सबैभन्दा कमजाेर र डरछेरूवा गृहमन्त्री राजनाथ सिंह नै हुन्।

यसै अान्दाेलनले माटाे प्रेमी र चाैकि प्रेमी छुट्टीए यसकाे मुख्य लाभ भने बंगाल सरकारलाईनै भयाे।

२०१७ काे अगस्त महिनाकाे मध्यतिर अचानक एउठा बयान अायाे, "मलाई बङ्गाल सरकारसित मिलेर दार्जीलिङ र खरसाङका केही अवसरवादी नेताहरूले फसाउने षडयन्त्र गरिरहेका छन्। १०-१२ दिनमा उनीहरू को हुन्, म सार्वजनिक गर्नेछु।’

संसार भरि छरिएर बसेका गाेर्खाल्याण्ड समर्थकहरूकाे सहयाेग रहेकाे याे अान्दाेलनमा यस्ताे प्रकारकाे बयान अचानक अाउँनुले अाफैमा धेरै रहस्य बाेकेका थिएछन्। सम्पुर्ण गाेर्खाहरूकाे समर्थन रहेकाे साथै पहाड, तराई, डुवर्स एक भएकाे याे बृहत् अान्दाेलनमा यस्ताे कार्य कसले गर्लान् भनेर सायद कसैले पत्याएनन्। मैले पनि पत्याईंन त्यसबेला। तर बताउँनै परेन, समयले सबै कुराे उदाङ्गाे पारीदियाे।

अनिश्चितकालीन बन्द डाक्ने देखि जीटीएकाे चुक्ती पत्र जलाउँने सम्म गाेजमुमाे सह सचिव बिनय तामाङकाे भुमिका सराहनीय रह्याे। उनले अान्दाेलनलाई अाफै अघि अाएर नेतृत्व दिन खाेजेकाे दृश्यहरू जता ततै पाईन्छ। बंगाल सरकार संग मिलेर एक प्रकारले अान्दाेलन बिथाेलेकाे अाराेप लागे पनि वास्तवमा उनले गाेजमुमाेकाे सह-सचिव हुनुकाे धर्म वार्ता सम्म राम्रै निर्वाह गरे।

अान्दाेलनमा शिथिलता अाए पछि, एउटा अन्तरवार्तामा बिनय तामाङले भने, "बन्द यति लामाे हुन्छ भनेर मलाई थाहा थिएन"। यसरी नतिजा के हुन्छ भन्ने कुरा नबुझी बन्द डाक्ने नेताकाे पछि लागेर हामीले अनावश्यक दुःख पाएका थिएछाैं। अहिले अाएर बन्द डाक्ने मानिस नेता भएर मन्त्रीको अहाेदा पाएर गजक्क छन्। उनकाे अादेश मानेर बन्द गराउँनेहरू अदालतमा मुद्दा खेपिरहेका छन्। पुलिसले खेदिरहेका छन्।

क्रान्ति बिना मुक्ति हुँदैन। २०१७ काे जनअान्दाेलनले मुक्तिकाे मार्ग खाेजीरहेका थिए। अान्दाेलन साम्य भए पछि भने बिनय तामाङकाे भुमिका जनहित बिपरित देखिए। उनले बिमल गुरूङ गलत मार्गमा थिए भने, अान्दाेलनलाई त्यहिबाट उठाएर सहि दिशा दिनु पर्ने थियाे। बिनय - अनितले दिशा परिवर्तन गरेर बंगालतिर फर्किए । गाेर्खाकाे जातिय उन्मुक्तिकाे युद्धमा "मिरजाफरकाे" उपाधी लिएर भिखमा पाएकाे कुर्सीमा बिराजमान छन्। पुलिस- प्रशासनकाे अाडमा गरिएकाे कुट्नितीले जातिलाई कस्ताे निकाश दिने हाे हेर्न बाँकीनै छ। संसारमा कस्ता-कस्ता क्रुर शासकहरूकाे अन्त्य जनतालेनै गरेका छन्। दार्जिलिङ पनि अाखिर भुसभित्रकाे अागाेनै हाे, कहिले यसले बिकराल रूप लिनेछ, कल्पना बाहिरनै छ।

लोकसभामा दार्जीलिङ समष्टिबाट गोर्खा प्रतिनिधित्वका सही हकदार श्री आर. बी. राई

7:36 PM
लोकसभामा दार्जीलिङ समष्टिबाट
गोर्खा प्रतिनिधित्वका सही हकदार श्री आर. बी. राई

अब भाजपाप्रति विश्वास रहेन । दार्जीलिङभरि योग्य गोर्खा व्यक्तित्वहरू हुँदा-हुँदै एउटा राजनैतिक अनुभवहीन भएको व्यक्तिलाई अघि सारिनु भनेको भाजपा गठबन्धनको हामी गोर्खाहरूप्रतिको हेलचेक्राइ हो । योग्य गोर्खा उम्मेदवार दिए पुनर्विचार गर्न सकिने मूडमा बसेको क्रामाकपाले अब श्री आर. बी. राईलाई उम्मेदवार बनाएर चुनाउमा जानुबाहेक अर्को विकल्प छैन ।   

यसैले श्री आर. बी. राईले दार्जीलिङ संसदीय क्षेत्रका उम्मेदवारको रूपमा भोलि आफ्नो नामांकन भर्नेछन् ।

 राज्यसभा र लोकसभाको अनुभव पहिलाबाटै प्राप्त गरिसकेका श्री राई एक इमान्दार नेता मात्र होइनन् तर उनी एक अनुभवी, अध्ययनशील र योग्य गोर्खा उम्मेदवार हुन् । राज्यसत्ताको सम्पूर्ण शक्ति लगाएर गोर्खाहरूको आवाजलाई निर्ममतापूर्वक दबाउने तृणमूल पार्टी अनि भारतीय गोर्खाहरूलाई बारम्बार धोका दिएर हाम्रो विश्वासमाथि खेलबाड गर्ने भारतीय जनता पार्टीका उम्मेदवारहरूविरुद्ध अब हामीले गोर्खाल्याण्ड मुद्दाका इमान्दार सिपाही श्री आर. बी. राईको पक्षमा आफ्नो बहुमूल्य मतदान गरेर गोर्खाल्याण्डप्रेमी जनताको परिचय दिनुछ । तृणमूल र भाजपाजस्ता फासिस्ट शक्तिहरूको विरुद्ध गणतान्त्रिक शक्तिलाई बलियो बनाउनुछ । बइमानलाई धेरैपल्ट सघायौँ, अब एकपल्ट इमान्दारलाई सघाएर हाम्रो असली सङ्ग्रामको सुरुवात त्यहीँ बिन्दुबाट गर्नुछ । जनताको नेतालाई जनताले नै चिन्नुछ, चुन्नुछ । अत: गोर्खाल्याण्डप्रेमी, गणतन्त्रप्रेमी सबै-सबै मतदाताहरूलाई आर. बी. राईको पक्षमा आफ्नो बहुमूल्य मत दिने विनम्र अनुरोध गरिन्छ ।

Raju Bista Declared BJP MP candidate from Darjeeling for Lok Sabha election

7:28 PM
GJM GNLF BJP candidate for Darjeeling Lok Sabha seat Declared

Raju Bista , 34 years old, Managing Director of Surya Roshni Ltd, a Gorkha from Manipur has been declared the candidate for Darjeeling Lok Sabha seat.
Raju Bhist Declared BJP MP candidate from Darjeeling
Raju Bista Declared BJP MP candidate from Darjeeling
Raju Bista has been the Managing Director at Surya Roshni Limited since October 29, 2012. Shri Bista served as a Deputy Managing Director of Surya Roshni Limited until October 29, 2012.

He joined Surya Foundation an NGO in furtherance of his deep rooted desire to develop the youth of the country. His management and planning skills are valuable factors in the growth of Surya.

He has been a Whole Time Director of Surya Roshni Limited since June 18, 2009. Shri Bista holds the directorship in Surya Global Steel Tubes Limited and Surya Global Infrastructure Limited. He is a Graduate in Arts from Manipur. He has done Executive Masters Programme in Business Administration with specialization in Marketing Management from National Institute of Business Management.

Sons without a Soil: Bhoomi is the Issue, Not Putra

8:19 PM
‘Bhoomiputra’ has become the latest catchphrase for political parties in Darjeeling Hills. CPRM was the first to announce former MP RB Rai as its candidate for 2019, soon followed by ‘bhoomiputra’ candidates from TMC-GJM (Binoy faction), Congress, CPIM. The lone ‘putri’ (daughter) in the fray is Reseeka Chhetri who has announced her candidacy as an independent contestant.

A New Catchphrase

Bhoomiputra or the son-of-the-soil theory is not new to Indian politics and have brought about sea change in the social narrative of our nation. However, for Darjeeling Hills, Bhoomiputra has never been an issue of asserting identity and have historically elected political representatives both from within and outside the region. After the Gorkhaland issue became the mainstream of Darjeeling Hills politics, people have always for the issue, notwithstanding party or leaders. The core philosophy of local politics has been aptly described in the words of Subash Ghising: “Party bhanda Jati thulo, Jati bhanda Maato thulo”

The whole jingoism about Bhoomiputra is only an attempt to divert public attention from the core issue of Gorkhaland. For every voter, Gorkhaland has always been the core political issue and the current generation have witnessed several dramas unfold around the statehood movement in their lives. After having made all efforts to divide the people through boards, councils, and administrations, the son-of-the-soil rhetoric is another ploy to crush the statehood movement and its supporters. This Bhumiputra debate is a classic case of using the ’US’ vs ‘THEM’ idea as a political tool.

The Friendship Treaty Bogey Call

The alliance of Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress and the Hills parties have conveniently shifted the goal post for Gorkhaland. In an article published by Economic Times, Binoy Tamang states “we must demand a review and revision of the India-Nepal Friendship treaty, and there should be a clear demarcation of borders between these two countries. This is the reason why people still call us Nepalese and treat us like foreigners. If this isn’t done, no way can we remove the foreigner tag. Gorkhaland has become a tool for politicians. Before every election, they sell us the dream of Gorkhaland. If we fail to correct the basic issues which are stopping us from getting Gorkhaland, Gorkhas will continue to die and we will never achieve our goal”.

The Government of India formed an Eminent Person’s Group (EPG) in 2014, comprising of experts from both India and Nepal to examine the Indo-Nepal Friendship Treaty 1950 and modify its provisions to reflect the realities of current times. This committee has taken representation on Indo-Nepal Friendship Treaty from various sections of the society from both India and Nepal, and already submitted their final report in July of 2018. The Government of India is expected to renew the treaty in the later half of 2019. With or without TMC-GJM(BT) group making it an election issue.

The sudden realization that the India-Nepal Friendship treaty is the obstacle to the identity and statehood movement to be led by TMC is highly doubtful. If we remember, this is the same government which hounded Gorkhaland movement supporters for months and even killed 13 innocent protestors in broad daylight.

A new beginning for hill politics

Be it the first memorandum submitted by Hillmen Association in 1907, the violence of 1980s, or the recent 2017 agitation, the demand has been a separate administration and self-rule within India’s democratic union. The Anglo-Nepal treaty is an international treaty between two nations and are being discussed at the level. The Gorkha statehood movement is a demand for state protection for Indian Gorkhas who have been left out in the constitutional process. It is a desire for the recognition, respect, and integration of Gorkha peoples in the Indian nation-state

Now as GJM (Bimal faction) and GNLF have come together to fight the elections and carry the Gorkhaland issue forward, there is a chance that Gorkhaland will not be decimated from the central politics. If the primary objective is to push forward the Gorkhaland issue, then the goal should be to find the right person to do it. There is no point harping on ‘Bhoomiputra’ where there is no ‘Bhoomi’ in the first place.

To have one Gorkhaland supporting MP in the Lot Sabha is to have a voice in the parliament. With the coming together of the two parties, the TMC led alliance is startled. Mainstream media is already abuzz with digging out the violent history and personal differences of leaders to create a rift. In coming days, there could be more incidents reported to fuel the differences of the past.

As voters, we can only hope that GJM and GNLF remain true to the cause because it is Gorkhaland issue had brought them to the position they are today. They must realize that the core issue for which they have fought is much bigger than the rewards of local politics.

For the voters, we must realize that five years is a long time, long enough for one generation of kids to forget about the issue. The solution might take time, but voting the right candidate is the only way we have to keep our issue alive in political discourse in the center. To lose that voice for 5 years will take us back further.

Leaders and parties are free to campaign and promise anything as long as we know what we want.

[Originally Posted here https://thedarjeelingchronicle.com/darjeeling-elections-bhoomiputra-issue/]

What Gorkha Youth Thinks

9:14 AM
Writes: Dibya Chhetri

Gorkhaland has again become the most popular topic for discussion with the upcoming Elections in April. At every corner, you can hear people discussing whose fault was it the last time and who is to be blamed. Having failed so many times, we have even stopped learning lessons from the past mistakes. We always find an excuse to blame someone and continue repeating the same mistakes time and again.

However we may want to believe, it has always been our lack of unity and integrity that is to blame.  It is us who split out because of petty differences and aspirations compromising the larger cause of the community. The sacrifices of the martyrs who died believing in Gorkhaland have been reduced to mere stories today. Blaming ‘THEM’ has become our culture today simply because it is easy. ’THEY did this to US’ is easier than saying ‘WE did it ourselves and rectify our actions.

Our refusal to introspect our actions have made it difficult for us to learn from the mistakes and take corrective measures. I certainly don’t believe that only protests and shutdowns Darjeeling or Delhi should be the first and easy alternative for us use. What we lack is honest people to represent our voice at all levels, a vision for the youth, and a willingness to change for better.


Let us look around us for a while, the youths are leaving the place for a better life outside in bigger cities. Hundreds others are neck-deep in alcohol and drug addiction. Those who want to work, don’t have the knowledge or resources to start something. With such situation at home, the only option we have left is to work in service of others. Perhaps we are happy doing the *ji saabji* and even used to it now. Of course, we sometimes get sentimental and cry victim when something unfortunate happens; but happy to narrate our glorious history when all other excuses fail.

Dear Gorkhas ,
Make sure people will know you by your present action and not by your history .
Be the sun that shines everywhere
Be it education, entertainment, sports, or politics
Business or social services
From dash to dash


Via thedarjeelingchronicle.com


SC interim relief to Bimal Gurung and other GJM leaders on all UAPA cases

5:26 PM
JUST IN: SC interim relief to GJM leaders on all UAPA cases

A two-member Supreme Court bench comprising Justice Arun Mishra and Justice Vineet Saran has provided interim relief to six senior Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) leaders, including Bimal Gurung, in the 2017 blasts and arms haul case by ordering the the West Bengal police that "no coercive action be taken till the next hearing".

The relief comes after a series of hearings based on a writ petition filed by GJM general secretary Roshan Giri in 2017.
Bimal Gurung and Roshan Giri GJM Leaders

The Supreme Court has ordered, "Let an affidavit be filed on behalf of the State Government as to whether the provisions of Section 6(1) of the NIA Act, the cases which are covered by the National Investigation Agency (NIA) in 2008, they have forwarded a report to the Central Government, as mandated by Section 6(2) or not. In the meantime, let the status quo be maintained with respect to the offences which are covered by the NIA Act, 2008. No coercive action be taken till the next date of hearing."

The case has been listed for hearing in the second week of January.

To those unfamiliar with the NIA Act of 2008, if any "scheduled offences" listed under the Act have been committed, Section 6(1) of the Act requires the local police to inform the state government, and Section 6(2) for the state government to inform the Central government immediately.

Cases registered under The Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967, widely known as UAPA, is included as "scheduled offences" under the NIA Act of 2008.

In Darjeeling, the West Bengal police have slapped 14 different cases against Gurung and other top GJM leaders under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967, citing various blasts and arms recovery from across the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA) region during the 2017 Gorkhaland statehood agitation period.

Speculations are therefore rife that the Supreme Court may actually order these 14 cases registered under the dreaded UAPA to be investigated by the NIA.

A lawyer present at the court said, “Even the Solicitor General of India Tushar Mehta spoke on behalf of the Central government, and he argued that, these cases are fit for investigations by the National Investigation Agency."

In political circles of Darjeeling, this order is being seen by many as providing credence to the beleaguered GJM leader Gurung and his followers, who have remained underground since the Gorkhaland agitation broke out in June of 2017.

A series of blasts had rocked the GTA region in the month of August, 2017, following which the West Bengal police had slapped charges under UAPA against Gurung and other top GJM leaders. Reacting to which, Gurung had asked for investigations by NIA under the supervision of the Supreme Court.

In a letter to the Unioin home minister Rajnath Singh, Gurung had questioned how was it possible that the police didn’t see someone planting a bomb when the blast site is situated right next to the Darjeeling Sadar police station.

“It is either a case of gross incompetence, or a case of fake blast planted by state agents to frame the GJM leadership. We suspect that the blast is a handiwork of the Bengal government to disrupt the Gorkhaland movement,” the letter had said.

The letter had further requested, “We demand that a probe be initiated, at the earliest, by a high-level inquiry committee, comprising of National Invstigation Agency (NIA) officials under the supervision of the Supreme Court of India, so that an unbiased investigations can be carried out into this heinous attempt to bring disrepute to the Gorkhaland movement and the leaders associated with it, and willful attempts at causing unrest in peaceful Darjeeling.”

The GJM faction loyal to Bimal Gurung have always professed their innocence in the acts of bomb blasts and arms haul, and have speculated on these being a frame-up of their leadership by the West Bengal government, this SC order is being seen as a vindication of their stand.

[Via: EastMojo originally posted at: https://www.eastmojo.com/news/2018/12/12/2017-blasts-sc-interim-relief-to-gjm-leaders-on-all-uapa-cases]

No Gorkhaland, Nor the Sixth: Binay Pleads the Fifth

7:59 PM

Neither Gorkhaland nor Sixth Schedule status. The current lot of politicians in Darjeeling Hills have now raised the demand for inclusion of the region in the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution.

Binay Tamang, the president of a faction of the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) that enjoys the backing of the state government, yesterday said that the party has decided to press for inclusion of entire north Bengal in the Fifth Schedule.

“In our party’s foundation day, it has been resolved that GTA areas and the rest of north Bengal should be declared a Scheduled Area. This will help this economically backward region develop and, in turn, benefit all the communities living here,” Tamang, who also happens to the chairman of Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA), today told reporters at Bagdogra Airport in Siliguri.

Tamang was in Delhi yesterday to participate in a demonstration against the BJP-led Centre’s alleged double standards as regards the Gorkhaland demand. The demonstration, however, was cancelled as Delhi Police withdrew the permission at the last moment.

“They allege that there is no democracy in Darjeeling. But it is in Delhi where democracy is being trampled. At the phone call of BJP minister SS Ahluwalia, Delhi Police did not allow us to hold the demonstration,” he said, adding that the party later held the foundation day meeting at Vasant Vihar in the Capital.

“If Gujarat and nine other states can have Scheduled Area, why not north Bengal? After Deepavali, we will hold a series of protest rallies and meetings in Delhi to press for this,” Tamang added.

Under the provisions of the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution, Scheduled Area is treated differently from the other areas because they are inhabited by socially and economically backward aboriginals and special efforts need to be made to improve their condition.

The entire set of normal administrative machinery is a state is not extended to a Scheduled Area, and the Central government shoulders a greater responsibility for its overall development.

There are Scheduled Areas in Bihar, Jharkhand, Chhatisgarh, Odisha, Himachal Pradesh, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Telangana, and Andhra Pradesh

[Via: Newsmen]

गोर्खा जनमुक्ति युवा मोर्चाद्वारा प्रेस विज्ञप्ति

5:59 PM
जनताले रिजेक्ट कसलाई गरेको छ त्यो बिषयमा सबै भन्दा
राम्ररी ज्ञान र अनुभव बिनय तामाङ्ग अनि उहाँको टोलीलाई छ।

मुख्य अतिथिको मञ्चबाट आफ्नो सम्बोधन राख्ने क्रममा जनताबाट भाषण बन्द गर भन्ने जोडतोडको प्रतिक्रिया आउनु पो होइन र रिजेक्ट?

सामाजिक सञ्जालतिर दिन रातै जनताले आक्रोश व्यक्त गर्दै गाली गरेको पो होइन र रिजेक्ट?

बिनय दाजु तपाईं स्वयं दिल्ली भ्रमण ममता बन्दोपाध्यको  साथमा जानुभएको समय केन्द्रीय मंत्रीहरूको ढोका ढोका घुम्नु हुँदा कुनै एकजना मन्त्री महोदय सम्मलाई भेट गर्नु नपाउनु भएको सत्य कुरा होइन र रिजेक्ट?

केन्द्र सरकार अनि तपाईंको अन्नदाता राज्य सरकारलाई पनि थाहा छ तपाई जनता रिजेक्ट गरीसकेको नेता हो भनेर। हुन पनि तपाईं बसेको दुइवटै स्थान जनताबाट चुनिएको नभएर सरकारले मनोनीत गरेको सत्यतालाई कसैले नकार्न सक्तैनन्।
बिनय दाजु गाडी घोडा तिर यात्रा गर्दा यात्रुहरूले कस्तो बिचार पोख्छन् एकाअर्का माझ त्यो चालक दाजुभाइहरू संग सोध्नु होला।
GJM Youth Wing press release

जनताले गोजमुमोको नेतृत्ववर्ग लाई होइन तृणमुल मोर्चाको संरक्षकहरूलाई रिजेक्ट गरीसकेको छन्। हो अहिले मुख खोलेर बिनय गुटको विरूद्धमा बोल्न सकेका छैनन् जनता कारण मुख खोल्यो कि थुनुवा पर्ने त्रास जनतामा छाएको छ जसको ज्वलन्त उदाहरण हालै पक्रा परेको कृष्ण बस्नेत (अन्तिम) घटनाले उजागर गरेको छ। सामाजिक सञ्जालमा बंगाल सरकार अनि बिनय अनितको कालो नीतिको बिरोधमा आफ्नो बिचार पोख्दा मात्रमा कृष्ण बस्नेत दाजुले जेलको हावा खानु परिरहेको छ जबकि देशको संविधानको अनुच्छेद १९(१)क ( अभिव्यक्तिको आजादी) ले भारतको हरेक नागरिकलाई आफ्नो अभिव्यक्ति पोख्याउने राजनैतिक अधिकार दिएको छ। तर पहाडमा तथाकथित नेताहरूले दिनहुँ जप्न नभुल्ने शान्ति र गणतन्त्र अचम्मकै छ।

तर दाजु बिनयलाई  सित्तैमा एउटा सुझाव, दाजु पहाडको इतिहास राम्ररी घोत्लिएर सोच्नुहोला, जसले पनि पहाडको माटो संग गद्दारी गरेको छ उसको पतन निश्चित भएको छ कारण हाम्रो पहाडको शिरमा एकापट्टी  महाकाल बाबा आसिन हुनुहुन्छ भने अर्को तर्फ माता सिञ्चेल विराजमान हुनुहुन्छ साथै हाम्रो पहाडको हरेक स्थानहरूमा पवित्र चर्च, गुम्बा मस्जिद अनि देव देवताहरूको स्थान अवस्थीत छ। भनौं भने हाम्रो पहाड पवित्र  तिर्थस्थल नै हो जहाँ हरेक पाइलामा मन्दिर,चर्च,गुम्बा भेटिन्छ। यसैले दाजु पहाडको पवित्र भूमि संग तपाईहरूले गरेको गद्दारीपनको हिसाब इश्वर स्वयंले गर्नुहुनेछ।

अध्यक्ष बिमल गुरुङ्ग ज्युको नेतृत्वमा दिल्लीमा भइरहेको सकारात्मक पहलहरू कसै व्यक्ति बिशेषको स्वार्थको निम्ति होइन दाजु यो त सर्वभारतिय स्तरमा समग्र गोर्खा जातिको उत्थानको निम्ति गरिएको सर्वश्रेष्ठ कार्य हो।

यो तपाईंको तृणमुल मोर्चाले आगामी लोकसभा चुनावलाई हेरेर घोषणा गरेको नाटकीय  बौधिक आन्दोलन होइन बिनय दाजु। जनताको आकांक्षा र हित संग जोडिएको उन्मुक्तिको अभियान हो र नै केन्द्र सरकारले पनि सुन्दैछ हाम्रो कुरा। तपाईंको ममता सरकारलाई पनि राम्ररी ज्ञात भएको कुरा हो तपाईंहरुलाई पनि ज्ञात भएको कुरा हो अनि केन्द्र सरकारलाई पनि राम्रोसँग ज्ञात भएको कुरा हो, अध्यक्ष बिमल गुरुङ्ग ज्यु अनि वहाँको अनुयायीहरु हामी हरहालतमा हाम्रो शताब्दी नाघी सकेको पवित्र मांग "गोर्खाल्याण्ड" बाहेक अन्य कुरामा पटक्कै सम्झौता गर्नेवाला छैनौं भन्ने कुरा।

तपाईंहरूको बिषयमा त के मुख खोलिरहनु जबकि सर्वसाधारण सम्मलाई तपाईंहरूको नाटक बारेमा "क देखि ज्ञ" सम्म थाहा छ।

थाहा छ जनतालाई भोलिको दिनमा गोर्खाल्याण्ड गठनको बिघ्न बाधा बिनय तामाङ्ग र अनित थापाको टोली, हाम्रो जनताले गोर्खाल्याण्डको रेफरेण्डम स्वरूप पठाएको विधायाक अमर सिंह राई(दार्जीलिङ्ग) रोहित शर्मा (खरसाङ्) राज्य सरकारद्वारा मनोनित लोकसभा सांसद शान्ता छेत्री, जात जातको बोर्ड अनि तपाईंको सेनामेनाहरू हो भन्ने कुरा।
 तपाइहरूको नयाँ सोंच र नयाँ बिचार जनताले देखिसकेको छ अब जनता मुक्ति चाहान्छ त्यस्तो दमनकारी नयाँ सोंच र नयाँ बिचार संग। किनभने गणतन्त्र देशमा आफ्नैहरूको दमनमा जीउनु एउटा दास भएर जीउनु सरह हो जहाँ न त स्वेच्छाले बस्न पाईन्छ न त बोल्न नै पाईन्छ।

एक्काइसौँ शताब्दीमा दुनियाँ मंगल ग्रहमा घर बसाउने तरखरमा छ भने हामी चै अझसम्म दासत्वको जुनी जीउन बाध्य छौं। यि सब तपाईहरू जस्तो स्वार्थीहरूको कारणले गर्दा हो जसलाई स्वतन्त्रताको स्वाद थाहा नै छैन।

अन्तमा बिनय दाजु अनि वहाँका सेनामेनाहरूलाई एउटा कुरा स्पष्ट बुझाउनु चाहान्छु, आत्तिनु पर्दैन तपाईंहरू कारण तपाइहरूले जस्तो आफ्नै हरूको घर जलाउने लुटपाट गर्ने अनि जनसाधारणलाई पुलिसको आडमा ह्याकुला मिचाई गर्ने घृणित कार्य हामी गर्न चाहँदैनौ।

कारण हत्या हिंसाको राजनितिले कुनैपनि जाति, समाज र राष्ट्रको भलो हुन सक्तैन। एकाइसौं शताब्दी सम्म पिरोलिएर, हेपिएर, चेप्टिएर आफ्नो आकार गुमाइसकेका हाम्रो जातिको उत्थान गर्नु हो भने, अनि विकासको हजार फड्को नाघि सकेको अन्य जातिको हाराहारीमा हाम्रो भावी सन्तानलाई उभ्याउनु हो भने हामीले हाम्रो स्वयंको जीवनलाई अनि व्यक्तिगत इच्छा आकांक्षाहरूलाई टाढा राखेर जनहितमा आफुलाई समर्पीत गर्नु पर्छ। हामी काटमार लुटपाटको राजनीति गरेर हाम्रो जातिलाई अझै तल धकेल्न चाहँदैनौ। यसैले यसरी अत्तालिएर नानाथरी फलाक्नु उचित हुँदैन।

गोरखा सञ्जिव लामा
सह सचिव
गोजयुमो केन्द्रिय समिति। ।

Want to join Mamata Banerjee for the prosperity of Darjeeling - Pawan Chamling

11:30 AM
Chamling backs Didi on hills

Sikkim chief minister Pawan Chamling on Monday iterated his backing for Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee on her handling of the situation in the Darjeeling hills where the Gorkhaland agitation had resulted in the three months-long shutdown in the middle of last year.

Interacting with a visiting team of journalists from Calcutta here, Chamling praised Mamata as a great leader who enjoys his complete support.

"The chief minister said he supports whatever Mamata is doing in the Darjeeling hills since she is a great leader of a big state. He also said that he was for the development of both Bengal and Sikkim," said a member of the visiting team.

On the Doklam standoff, Chamling is understood have told the team that he came to know about it through the media and neither the Union government nor the Indian Army kept had him in the loop.

He spoke about the four per cent increase in forest cover of Sikkim and called for extending the ban on the use of plastic throughout India.

The Sikkim chief minister, according to the senior journalist, also iterated his demand for the granting of peace bonus to the Himalayan state for its impeccable record in maintaining law and order. "He demanded Rs 1,000 crore as peace bonus, citing the absence of insurgency, hostility and violence on the basis of caste, creed and religion during his tenure," said the journalist.


Sikkim has been demanding peace bonus for a long time now, but the Centre has remained mute to it. Mizoram was the first state to be given peace bonus way back in 2000 for being the most peaceful state in the otherwise trouble-torn north-east.


Centre kept us in dark on Doklam: Chamling
Shiv Sahay Singh

GANGTOK, AUGUST 20, 2018

Says people in Sikkim are now living in fear of a war

Observing that the people of Sikkim are “living in fear” because of the stand-off in Doklam between India and China, Sikkim Chief Minister Pawan Chamling on Monday said the Centre had kept the border State in the dark on the issue.
Pawan Chamling with Mamata Banerjee - a file photo

“Nobody has consulted us, neither the Centre nor the Army has told us anything about the situation. Whatever we get to know about Doklam is from newspaper reports,” Mr. Chamling told a group of journalists from the Kolkata Press Club.
“Here in Sikkim, we live with the Doklam issue. There is a fear psychosis among the people. We are afraid of the situation,” Mr. Chamling said.

He said the people feared a war with China, and referred to Kupup, the last inhabited village in Sikkim, about 30 km from Doklam.

“We want good relations between India and China. The State government and the people of Sikkim have shown their love for the country and have worked for the interest of India,” he said. On a solution to the issue, he said the Centre knew best.

Mr. Chamling said he had tried to shield the State from external disturbances, whether from Maoism in Nepal or the Gorkhaland agitation in Darjeeling. He said he wanted peace in Darjeeling, and supported the stand of West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee.

“We want to join Mamata Banerjee and contribute to the prosperity of Darjeeling,”. In 2017, the West Bengal government had accused Sikkim of giving shelter to Gorkha Janmukti Morcha leader Bimal Gurung..


Via The Hindu


NRC Issue - Congress MP writes to Home Minister Rajnath Singh

7:12 PM
‘1 lakh Gorkhas of Assam not in list’

Expressing concern over the “non-inclusion of genuine Indian citizens of the Hindi- and Bengali-speaking community” in the final draft of NRC of Assam, Congress Lok Sabha MP and the party’s observer in West Bengal Gaurav Gogoi has written to Home Minister Rajnath Singh.

Mr. Gogoi has urged the Home Minister to include documents like ‘grazing permits’ and ‘Khuti permits’ in the prescribed lists of documents for the NRC that will help indigenous Gorkha Community.

“These documents, though not listed in the prescribed documents’ list, will help genuine Indian citizens of the indigenous Gorkha community to prove their permanent resident status before 1971,” Mr. Gogoi said, adding that around 1 lakh indigenous Gorkhas of Assam found their names excluded in the final draft of the NRC. Representatives of the Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh, a non-political organisation, had met Mr. Gogoi earlier this month and informed him about a “sizeable number of Gorkha population” being left out.

Recently, leaders of both rival factions of the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha ( GJM) — Bimal Gurung and Binay Tamang — had warned of mass protests if the interests of Gorkhas were ‘undermined’ due to the NRC update.

Via The Hindu

Bimal Gurung faction leader Suraj Subba arrested

8:49 PM
Suraj Subba, the former general secretary of the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha's trade union, was arrested on Monday in connection with the 2017 June 8 clash that triggered the last round of the statehood agitation in the hills.

He was the general secretary of the Terai Dooars Plantation Labour Union before Binay Tamang took charge of the Morcha.
Bimal Gurung faction leader Suraj Subba arrested

"Subba was directly involved in the incident that occurred on June 8, 2017 and in mobilisation (of supporters) to commit crimes during the agitation. He was arrested on Monday," said a police officer.

Once Binay Tamang took charge of the Morcha in November last year, Subba was removed from the post. He had been the general secretary of the union since the Morcha was formed in 2007.

Assistant public prosecutor Pankaj Prasad said Subba had been remanded in judicial custody for 14 days.

[Via:TT]

गोर्खा जनमुक्ति युवा मोर्चा उपाध्यक्ष दिपेन माले बाट केही शब्द आलोक कान्त मणी थुलुंग लाई

3:24 PM
"आलोक कान्त मणी थुलुंग, मेरो प्रेस रिलिजमाथि तिम्रो भिडियो बयान हेरें| समयले तिमीलाई फरेबी राजनीति निकै सिकाएछ| भिडियोमा तिम्रो गोर्खाल्याण्ड प्रेम पनि देखें| शहीदको रगत बेचेर किनेको निलो पारी भएको सेतो लुगाले छोपेको तिम्रो गोर्खाल्याण्ड तिमीलाई मुबारक छ |

तिमीले विकासको कुरा गरेछौ| राम्रो लाग्यो| छिमेकी राज्य सिक्किममा हाम्रोभन्दा आधा जनसंख्या भएको ठाउँमा यो वर्ष पारित बजेट ७०५१.०९ करोड़ हो अनि तिम्रो जोजोको कुर्सीले थाप्ने प्लान बजेट ३५६ करोड़ अनि नन-प्लान बजेट २९८.१० करोड़ हो| तिमी अझै कति दिन विकासको नाममा सुगा रटाई बोलिरहन्छौ आलोक? आफ्नै राज्य हुँदा विकास गर्नु तिमीलाई के ले रोक्छ? आफ्नै राज्यमा आउने बजेटले कति विकास गर्नु सकिन्छ भन्ने सोचेको छौ? हिसाब लगाएको छौ?
Bimal Gurung

हाम्रो चियाबारीको श्रमिकलाई भएको ज्यालाको अन्याय तिम्रो विकासले पुरा गर्छ? आफ्नै राज्य हो भने उनीहरूको आँशु पुछ्न सकिन्छ कि सकिन्दैन भन्ने कुरा सोचेको छौ?

दार्जीलिंगको हिलोसरीको सडक त टाल्नु पुग्दैन कलकत्ते बजेटले तिमीलाई गाउँको बिकासको बजेटको कुरा गर्नु लाज लाग्दैन?

फेसबुकमा आन्दोलन हुँदैन भन्छौ अनि मेरो एउटा प्रेस विज्ञप्तिलाई १९ मिनट जवाब पनि दिन्छौ, आफै अझै कतिदिन जनता अघि जोकर हुने? मैले प्रेस विज्ञप्ति लेखेको होइन भनेछौ, यसलाई हिन्दीमा खिसियानी बिल्ली खम्बा नोचे भन्छ| मतलब विज्ञप्तिले तिमीहरूलाई हल्लाएछ| यो त हल्लिनुको शुरूवात हो| हामीले एक वर्ष चुपचाप बसेर हाम्रै कमि-कमजोरीहरू केलायौं, अध्ययन गर्यौं, पड़्यौं|  अहिले तिमीहरूलाई पड़्दैछौं| हामी जुन दिन आउँछौं, तिमीहरूले जनतालाई भ्रममा राखेर, आतंकित बनाएर गरेको जाति विरोधी क्रियाकलापको पाई-पाई हिसाब बोकेर आउनेछौं|

 झण्डाको कुरामा तिम्रो जवाबले तिमीलाई नै गिज्याउँदैछ| आग्सुबाट श्री रोशन गिरी, पुरण थामी, सुरज सुब्बाहरू पोस्ट होल्डर फाउन्डरहरू हुन्| झण्डा मेरो सोच हो भनेर मेरो विज्ञप्तिमा भनेको छुइन| हो म ७  अक्टोबर २००७ -को दिन पार्टी लन्च हुँदा पोख्रेबुंगको युवाहरूसँग आएर समर्थन जनाएको हो अनि मलाई अध्यक्ष विमल गुरुङले झण्डा दिएको हो| म पछिबाट आएको हो, तर  इमान्दार भएर आएको हो| गद्दार बन्नुलाई त शुरूमा नै आएर पनि के भो र? यो झण्डा हाम्रो सोच होइन तर विमल गुरुङको भने अवश्य हो| तिमीले भने जस्तो त्यो समय विमल गुरुङलाई हजारौं जनताको समर्थन थियो| तर पार्टी र झण्डा बनाउने सोच र आँट केवल विमल गुरुङसँग थियो| के त्यही आँट र सोच जातिको हीतमा तिमीहरुसँग, विनय-अनितसँग छ? मेरो प्रश्न भनेको त्यति नै हो|

आज तिमीले बोल्दै गरेको भिडियो भविष्यमा तिम्रै नाति-पनातिले हेरेर घृणा नगरोस् भन्ने चाहन्छु|

तिम्रो भिडियो बयान हेर्दा भोलि एमपी चुनावमा तिमीहरूले पनि आफैले घाँटी रेटेर मरणासन्न बनाएको घाइते गोर्खाल्याण्डलाई देखाएर भोट माग्ने रहेछौ| गोर्खाल्याण्ड देखाएर राजनीति गर्नुछ भने पहिला त्यसको घाउको उपचार गर| गोर्खाल्याण्डको शत्रुसँग स्टेज र कुर्सी सेयर गर्नु छोडीदेउ| सत्ताको लालचलाई त्यागेर हामीसंग आयौ भने तिम्रो दश गल्ति माफ गरौंला| हामीले त मित्रताको कारणले गल्ति माफ गर्न सक्छौं तर समयले माफी दिंदैन| आलोक, कन्फ्युज भएको छौं भनेर तिमीले भिडियोमा भनेकै रहेछौ, अहिले नै धेरै लामो सोच है| कन्फ्युज भएर बस्नु राम्रो होइन ल|"

दिपेन माले
उपाध्यक्ष, गोर्खा जनमुक्ति युवा मोर्चा
केन्द्रिय समिति, दार्जीलिंग|

6th August a day when Gorkhaland was defeated in 2017

8:11 PM
Press Release

We fought a leaderless battle. 6th August is day when Gorkhaland was defeated in 2017.

This exact day, the aspiration of thousands washed off, when the so called brave leader of Gorkhas, Bimal Gurung ran for his life making mockery out of the sacrifices given by the martyrs. He chose his personal wellbeing over the cause of gorkhas and absconded when Darjeeling Police raided Gurung’s strong hold in the midst of the agitation last year.

Bimal Gurung 
It’s to be noted that, last year, during the end of July, that there were more number of people on the streets than police in the hills. The police was on the back foot as they didn’t want to aggravate the boiling situation after the death of nearly 12 people then. The police was seen locked in their confined areas as there were massive protests rallies and an ongoing indefinite hunger strike in the hills.

That was the time when Bimal Gurung should have come out in the public and showed his appearance as the agitation was seen to be going nowhere and the fact of ‘no leader on the ground’ too could not be ignored.

The speeches in the Bazar were given by GJM local town leaders along with some CPRM and GNLF leaders. In this given situation, the role of Binoy Tamang has to be appreciated. Even Maan Ghisingh was seen leading GNLF rallies and Binoy Tamang made an attempt to meet the sitting in for a hunger strike in chowrasta. There was a desperate attempt by GJM leadership begging Bimal Gurung to come to out and address the public but all went for vain as Bimal Gurung was reluctant to come out and he claimed to say that there would ‘be law and order’ situation.

Bimal Gurung, right from the start failed to come out. The Darjeeling police had even given him a chance to attend the 13th June, all party meeting in Gymkhana which he denied saying the police could not be trusted.

However, it was like any other typical monsoon day on 6th August, last year, the town was foggy and gloomy, while the ongoing strike had entered its 53rd day. And just after the everyday rally, the people were returning home, there was sudden buzz about how police were gathered to go down to Patlebas for a raid.

This was the first raid in Patlebas after June.

I would like to describe here about the situation in Patlebas, in July.
It was guarded by more than 1000 boys with patang (long sharp weapon) in military uniform with black masks. These boys were seen checking cars of the visitors who had come to visit Bimal Gurung. The people who visited Gurung then were being frisked at every 1 KM starting from St Micheal’s School. There were numerous camps of such masked people from Singmari to Patlebas.

The town was tensed as the police slowly approached Singmari. The people feared that these armed masked men would attack the police and the situation in the hills would deteriorate once again, but on contrary, these masked men were seeing fleeing for their lives while the police slowly approached down. Many of them fractured their hands and legs while jumping from tea gardens as Darjeeling Police marched down.

The so called “Gorkhaland ko Lagi Pran Dinchu” boys ran for their lives leaving their camps.

The news of the police raid quickly reached Bimal Gurung who had his camp in Singla. Instead of tackling with the police and facing them, Gurung crossed the border and entered Sikkim for his safety. Once Bimal Gurung was on the run, there was no leadership in the hills where Binoy and Anit were forced to take the leadership in their hands.

This was day when Police got the pulse of the coward leader and from that day the police never took a ‘U’ turn on him.


But, the million dollar questions which arise here is,

‘Is Bimal Gurung the real leader of billion Gorkhas? If you still nod your heads in agreement, then why would such leader leave the agitation directionless and abscond? Should we consider the fugitive one, our leader?

Satish Pokhrel
Vice President
Gorkha Janmukti Morcha
Central Committee

प्रेस विज्ञप्ति

हामीले नेतृत्वविहीन युद्ध लड़्यौ। 6 अगस्त गोर्खाल्याण्ड हारेको एउटा दुर्भाग्यपूर्ण दिन।

6 अगस्त गोर्खाल्याण्डको मुद्दाको हार भएको दुर्भाग्यपूर्ण दिन हो किनभने 2017 मा ठीक यही दिन गोर्खाहरूको आँटी अनि इमान्दार मानिएको नेता विमल गुरूङले पातलेबासमा पुलिसले छापामारी गर्दा आफ्नो ज्यान बचाउन गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलनलाई समेत अधकल्चोमा छोड़ेर सुइँकुच्चा ठोकी भागेका थिए।

सबैलाई अवगत भएकै कुरा हो, गतवर्ष जुलाईको अन्तमा गोर्खाल्याण्डप्रेमी जनता हजारौं संख्यामा आफ्नो ज्यानको पर्वाह नगरी सड़कमा निस्किएका थिए। पुलिसबलभन्दा धेर संख्यामा गोर्खाल्याण्डप्रेमी जनता गोर्खाल्याण्डको माग गर्दै सड़कमा उत्रिएको थियो। फलस्वरूप दार्जीलिङ पहाड़मा कुनै प्रकारको हिँसा नहोस् भनेर पुलिस बलसमेत ब्याकफुटमा जानु परेको थियो। किनभने योभन्दा अघि नै हिँसा भएको कारणले गर्दा 12 जना गोर्खाहरू शहीद बनिसकेको थियो। पुलिसहरू आ-आफ्नो इलाकामा नै तैनाथ रहनु परेको थियो भने दार्जीलिङ पहाड़मा हजारौंको संख्यामा मानिसहरू सड़कमा उर्लेर विरोध रयाली, जुलुस गरिरहेको थियो भने आमरन अनशनसमेत चलिरहेको थियो।

यस्तो स्थितिमा विमल गुरूङ एक आँटी अनि इमान्दार नेता भएको भए आफ्नो समर्थक आन्दोलनकारीहरूको बीचमा आएर आन्दोलनकारीहरूलाई मनोबल प्रदान गर्नुपर्ने थियो अनि आन्दोलनलाई अझ प्रभावशाली बनाएर अघि लानुपर्नेथियो। तर हजारौं समर्थकहरूको घेराबन्दी रहँदा-रहँदै पनि विमल गुरूङ कहिल्यै आन्दोलनकारीहरूको मनोबल बड़ाउन मैदानमा आएनन्। आन्दोलनकारीहरूको मनोबल बड़ाउन बजारका क्षेत्रीय नेता अनि क्रामाकपाका केही नेताहरूमात्रै भाषणहरू दिने गरेतापनि आन्दोलनको 105 दिन नै विमल गुरूङ आफ्नो ज्यान बचाउन लुकेर बसे। शहीदलाई श्रद्धाञ्जलि चड़ाउनसमेत उनलाई मैदानमा आउने आँट भएन। इमान्दार अनि आँटी मानिएको नेता विमल गुरूङलाई गोर्खाल्याण्ड अनि शहीदको वलिदानको भन्दा धेर मूल्य आफ्नो प्राणको रहयो।

यस्तो विकट स्थितिमा पनि भाषण दिने बजारका ती क्षेत्रीय नेतृत्त्व अनि क्रामाकपाका नेतृत्त्वहरू बरू विमल गुरूङभन्दा इमान्दार अनि साहसी देखियो। यसबाहेक अति सम्वेदनशील स्थितिमा पनि आफ्ना समर्थकहरूसित रयालीमा आउने गोरामुमो अध्यक्ष अनि आफू पक्रा पर्ने तथा ज्यान जाने डरलाई समेत पन्साएर चौरास्तामा अनशनकारीहरूसित भेट्न पुग्ने अनि दार्जीलिङ शहरका कतिपय विरोधमूलक कार्यक्रमहरूमा जनताबीच पुगेर मनोबल पड़ाउने विनय तामाङ विमल गुरूङभन्दा कैयौं गुणा साहसी अनि इमान्दार रहेको बुझियो। कानून व्यवस्था ठीक नभएको तथा आफ्नो ज्यानको खतरा रहेको कायरपूर्ण बयान दिँदै विमल गुरूङ आन्दोलनकालभरि केही भागिरहे। आन्दोलनको शुरूआतदेखि नै विमल गुरूङ भागिरहे यहाँसम्म कि 13 जूनमा जीमखानामा आयोजित अल पार्टी मीटिङमा सहभागी बन्न पुलिसले अनुमति दिँदा पनि पुलिस प्रशासनको विश्वास नरहेको उल्लेख गर्दै पक्रा पर्ने डरले उनी उक्त मीटिङमा पनि सामेल भएनन्।

गतवर्ष 6 अगस्तको दिन गोर्खल्याण्ड आन्दोलन सल्केको 53 दिन भएको थियो। सोहीमा  दिन पातलेबासमा पुलिसले छापामारी अभियान चलाएको थियो। जून महीनापछि पातलेबासमा गरिएको यो पहिलो छापामारी थियो। जुलाई महीनासम्म पातलेबाँसमा फौजी पोशाक लगाएर  मुखमा कालो पट्टी बाँधेका लगभग 1000 केटाहरू पाताङ (धारिलो हतियार) लिएर विमल गुरूङको निगरानीमा बस्दथ्यो। ती युवाहरूले विमल गुरूङलाई भेट्न आउने सबैको गाड़ी अनि शरीर निरीक्षण गर्थे। विमल गुरूङलाई भेट्न जानेहरूलाई पातलेबासदेखि लगभग एक किमी माथि स्थित सेन्ट माइकल स्कूलदेखि नै निरीक्षण अनि निगरानी गर्थे। सिङमारीदेखि पातलेबाससम्म यस्तै मास्क लगाउने केटाहरूको धेरै ठाउँमा  बस्ने गर्थे। 

पुलिसले छापामारी गर्दा ती केटाहरू अनि पुलिसमाझ हिस्रक भिड़न्त हुनसक्ने तथा दार्जीलिङ पहाड़को स्थिति भयावह भएर जाने मानिसहरूले चिन्ता व्यक्त गरिरहेका थिए। तर जब पुलिसले पातलेबासमा छापामारी गरियो गोर्खाल्याण्डको निम्ति प्राण दिन्छु भन्ने ती युवकहरू पनि आफ्नो ज्यान बचाउन चम्पट कसे। यतिमात्र होइन जब पुलिस छापामारीको खबर सिङ्लामा क्याम्प लगाएर बसेको विमल गुरूङले सुने उनी अडिग भएर बस्नुको साटो आफ्नो सुरक्षाको निम्ति तत्कालै सिक्किम सीमा नाघेर चम्पट कसे। एकातिर गोर्खाल्याण्डको निम्ति ज्यान समेत दिएर जनताले उनलाई सहयोग गरिरहेका थिए भने विमल गुरूङ पक्रा पर्ने डरले सिक्किमतिर भागेका थिए। विमल गुरूङ भागेपछि गोर्खाल्याण्डको आन्दोलन दिशाहीन बन्ने अवस्थामा बाध्यतावश विनय तामाङ अनि अनित थापाले आन्दोलनको नेतृत्त्व सम्हालेका थिए। उनीहरूमाथि पनि विमल गुरूङजत्तिकै खतरा भएतापनि उनीहरूले दार्जीलिङ पहाड़ छोड़ेनन् आन्दोलनको मैदान छोड़ेर भागेनन्। परिस्थितिलाई डटेर सामना गरे। आँटी अनि इमान्दार नेतृत्त्व विमल गुरूङ हुन् कि विनय तामाङ र अनित थापा हुन् भन्ने यसैले पनि स्पष्ट पार्छ।
6 अगस्त अर्थात् आजको दिन विमल गुरूङ आन्दोलनको मैदान छोड़ेर सिक्किम भागेपछि नै आन्दोलनमा पुलिस प्रशासनको दबाउ बड़्दै गएको हो। किनभने जनताले आँटी र इमान्दार भनेर विश्वास गरेको नेता विमल गुरूङ नै डरछेरूवा भएर भागेपछि पुलिसले विमल गुरूङको नाड़ी छामे।
सबैभन्दा ठूलो अनि महत्वपूर्ण प्रश्न के रहेको छ भने विमल गुरूङले शहीदहरूको वलिदान अनि जनताको भावनालाई कदर गर्दै नभागी डटेर परिस्थितिको सामना गरेको भए के उनको सुरक्षा आन्दोलनमा खटिएका हजारौं गोर्खाहरूले गर्ने थिएन?  अथवा गोर्खाल्याण्डको निम्ति उनी पक्रा नै परेको भएतापनि जनताको मन- मस्तिष्कमा उनको प्रभाव अझ बड़ेर उनी क्रान्तिकारी कहलाइने थियो र गोर्खाल्याण्डप्रेमी जनता अझ समर्पित भएर आन्दोलनमा उत्रिने थिए र सम्भवतः गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलन निरन्तर रहिरहने थियो।
तर मुखलेमात्रै बाघ हुँ भन्ने विमल गुरूङ आफैले डरछेरूवा मानसिकता देखाएर गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलन भताभुङ्ग बनाए भने सरकारलाई गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलन दबाउने प्रशस्त मार्गहरू पनि बनाइदिए। डेड़ करोड़ गोर्खाहरूको प्रतिनिधिले पक्रा पर्ने डरले डेड़ करोड़ गोर्खाहरूको सपना अनि बलिदानलाई लत्याएर भागेको आजको दिन गोर्खाहरूको भाग्यमा ग्रहण लागेको दिन हो। वीर गोर्खाहरूको इतिहाँसमा आजको दिन विमल गुरूङको कायरपनाको बदनाम इतिहाँस कोरिएको छ।

सतीश पोखरेल
उपाध्यक्ष
गोर्खा जनमुक्ति मोर्चा,केन्द्रिय समिति|

From Gorkhaland to GTA and then to Greenfield: A Road to Serfdom

6:34 PM
Writes Pratik Rumba for YKA

“For a colonized people the most essential value, because the most concrete, is first and foremost the land: the land which will bring them bread and, above all, dignity.” – Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth.
Activists of Gorkhaland Sanyukta Sangharsh Samiti shouting slogans during their demonstration at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi | PTI
Activists of Gorkhaland Sanyukta Sangharsh Samiti shouting slogans during their demonstration at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi | PTI

The state of ‘Bangla’ has finally fulfilled, as the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA) chairman says, the dream of ‘People of Darjeeling’ by granting a university in state assembly. The leader of Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha (GJM- B) left no space and time to express his gratitude towards the Chief Minister Mamta Banerjee for showing her ‘benevolent’ attitude towards the ‘non-tax payer’ of Darjeeling region. Now even the sons and daughters of ‘illiterate’ and ‘un-productive’ tea garden workers, who generate huge revenue to the owner and state government, can fulfil their dreams,  in the ‘Indian labour market’ that has been eagerly waiting for them from centuries. The people who are ought to be displaced for the new railway project may probably find a job as a construction worker in the upcoming university.

The forte of happiness was so much so that a central committee member, who was formerly a student leader, equated the decision of state university to ‘Gorkhaland in the field of education’. What could possibly have happened had the central university bill been passed in the parliament? Yes! Then according to his argument it seems there would have been a Separate country in the field of education. This sudden mania of the GJM leaders and its cadres is astonishingly stupid as ‘Annexure B2’ of the memorandum of agreement for GTA, signed in 2011, had already listed various institutes (such as Central institute of technology, NIT including IT and Bio-Technology, Fashion Technology institute, medical and nursing colleges and Central university) to be established as grand ‘developmental projects’ under GTA with an aid from both central and state government.

Manias

The manias of GJM-B only manifest their incapacitated ruling of the GTA-2 since they took charge of Lalkothi last year. This (manias) could very well be the reflection of the limited time GJM-B has onwards to Lokhsabha election. From its inception in 2011, GTA hardly made any difference in the lives of people apart from repairs of roads and timely ‘statehood’ threat from the then GJM supremo to state and central government. The helplessness of the situation only aggravated the crisis further leading up to another uprising for statehood in 2016.The GTA gambling card that was placed on the table at Pintail village by both state and centre was supposed to achieve ‘all round development of the people of region’ in terms of socio-economic, infrastructural, educational, cultural, and linguistic developments. Now, the seven years down the line the GTA card turned out to be the lowest of all the poker hands and has nothing to show in concrete in the run up for Lokhsabha election campaign in 2019. In this context, the manias of the GJM-B is lucidly justifiable.

What’s in a name? —

What was fishy (daal me kala) about the bill was the name of the University. They (the state) named the upcoming university in the region as ‘Greenfield’ university. All the universities established in the state of West Bengal has been named either after the name of the region (Bankura, Bardaman, Raiganj etc.) or after some historical figures (Rabindra Bharati, Sido Kanuhu Murmu, Kazi Nazrul etc.). The government that has been constituting “n” number of ethnic boards supposedly for promoting local culture and dialects could not manage to find even a single word that could well describe/ define the historical specificity of the region. Such move of naming the university bereft of any local/regional specificity is to make people of the region cognizant of the fact that they have no historical figures, whom they can look up to.

As a crutch to the state government, some cadres of the GJM through various social media platform started a campaign ‘What’s in a Name’. The name is not as simple to be relegated to just a word but it also carries with it the objective reality. However, the political manoeuvring of words is not new in Darjeeling politics. The power and solemnity of a word is to be learnt from late Subash Ghishing. After a compromise of Gorkhaland movement in 1986, the then chairman of Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF) went to claim that Identity problem of the Gorkhas has been resolved as the state and central government has agreed to add ‘Gorkha’ in Darjeeling Hill Council. We now know for how long GNLF ruled the region under the shadow of the then Left front government by just adding a word Gorkha to the Hill Council. For that matter, even the united GJM (A+B) after their compromise in 2011 had openly taken credit and pride of having the word ‘Gorkhaland’ in the new territorial set up (GTA).

The GJM-B, particularly at this juncture, is well aware of the implication that a word can have for its ‘own’ survival and would rather prefer to leave no stone unturned. As expected, GJM MLA approached the monitoring team at Nabanna requesting a change in the name from ‘Greenfield’ to ‘Darjeeling University’. But it still raises few doubts. First, had they (anyone from the region) not been consulted beforehand while formulating the bill? Second, why has the state government preferred to use a ‘foreign’ name that has nothing to do with the people and their regional history? Third, is it an act of denial of people’s history in the region? The state government may rename the university from Greenfield to Darjeeling University, which of course is a politically neutral word that should not bother much, sooner or later but the whole political cinematography only reflected the high handedness of the state government over the region and the ‘puppetism’ of the local leaders.

Gorkha National Question (s) and the Development

At the pick phase of the last Gorkhaland movement, an old man from a tea garden was asked to define Gorkhaland in an interview by a local media. His answer was simple and succinct: For him Gorkhaland meant land (Gorkhaland Bhaneko Mato Ho!). How would have the leader of the Gorkhaland movement answered the very same question? Not surprisingly, the answer would have been the ‘lack of development’. Not only has the beguiled leader of the movement but even the honest Gorkha intellectuals and supporters confused the Gorkha national question (s) with the (one point) ‘undervelopment’ problem.
The argument of ‘underdevelopment’ has its origin in the left front rule in West Bengal. Whenever the demand for separate statehood intensified the ruling class and its intelligentsia always brought  ‘underdevelopment’ on the table for discussion thus diverting the core question of national political identity for Gorkhas to the general problem of underdevelopment faced by every people and regions in India. GJM leaflet (2009) at the very outset quite correctly identified the core problem of the Gorkhas that read ‘the demand for Gorkhaland is basically a question of the Gorkha Indian Political Identity…as the spectre of ‘alien-ness’, being called ‘foreigner’ and ‘eviction’ continues to hunt the Indian Gorkhas even today…”.  However, major part of the leaflet emphasised on the question of ‘economic deprivation’ and ‘discrimination’.

Economic backwardness may be one of the aspects of the crisis in the region but an information document (1986) of West Bengal itself suggests that the district, in terms of various economic indicators, stands out to be better than any other districts in north Bengal or any districts in western Bengal such as Purulia, Bankura, Birbhum and Midnapur. If economic development is the panacea for century old unrest in the region then one would expect cropping up of such statehood demand in every regions of the state.

Now let us assume that the state/central government is going to fulfil all the major projects, listed in MoU of GTA, including the establishment of various institutes and central university in the region. Are these ‘mega’ projects going to resolve the national question (s) of the Gorkhas? For elucidation, the Chinese government has changed and transformed the face of Tibet better than any cities in India through its mega developmental projects. Has it also changed the aspiration of the people of Tibet? Since 2011, around 152 Tibetans have self-immolated for their national cause.

Gorkhaland and the Land Question

The major part of Darjeeling district is covered by forest and tea gardens. Almost 70 percent of the population lives in forest and tea gardens. Since the forest and tea gardens come under the jurisdiction of state government, none of the population staying in the forest and tea gardens has the ownership right over land. Even for small repairing work of the houses, one has to take permission beforehand from the management to whom the state government has given the land in lease for pittance. Not only the tea gardens and the forest, there are several villages near the towns (comes under municipality) that have no valid and legal documents to support their claim/ownership right over land. It is precisely due to this alienation of people from their own land, which time and again gets articulated in terms of strong posturing of land question in the movement for Gorkhaland.

A significant number of the tea gardens are in a state of lock down as workers demanded a hike in wage rate. Lockout has become a popular instrument of keeping the wages at the subsistence level in tea gardens. Even the plantation labour act 1951 that favours the owner and the management are being violated. Some of the tea gardens are locked down throughout the year except in the plucking and harvesting seasons. In doing so, the management is not liable to provide basic rights such as ration, medical facilities, bonus etc. There are also instances when the workers have requested the management to run the factory without even providing statutory rights to them. In some of the abandoned tea gardens, the workers by defying the state government formed a cooperative and started running the factory. However, the state government later leased out the same to private players. This is how generations after generations of the tea garden workers have been kept under starvation and poverty. This is also probably the reason that the people from tea gardens stand out quite vehemently at the forefront of every Gorkhaland agitation.

Moreover, the tea industry has not been doing quite well particularly in the neo-liberal phase of globalisation. The reason for this could be growing competition in the tea industry. Another reason for this dwindling situation of the tea industry is the reluctance of the management to reinvest back in the production site. This has resulted in the limited development of productive forces and has also constrained the increase in the productive capacity (employment opportunity) in the tea industry. Can the people of district go for other livelihood options (at least where the factories have been shut down for a long time) so that they can raise the standard of living and send their children to Greenfield University in the coming few years from now? The state of West Bengal is known for having more or less successful land reform, where the state confiscate the land from the land lord and distribute it to the bargardars (tenants), in the history of Indian land reform. One may be interested in knowing the proportion of land that was distributed to the people of Darjeeling during the much celebrated ‘operation Barga’ (1978-1985). Can the state government distribute abandoned tea estates to the erstwhile tea garden workers? The monitoring team at Nabanna would not be pleased to hear all that ‘crap’ as the Nabanna is also constantly monitored by domestic and foreign capital.

The beginning

The century old national question (s) of the Gorkhas in the district of Darjeeling cannot be resolved through extravagant use of money and power. The same old method of silencing the dissent voices has only postponed the crisis in the region as the frequency of the statehood demand has increased in recent years. Moreover, the state led financing of the anti-statehood squad (ethnic boards, GJM-B etc.) in the region is unsustainable in the long term as the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) data noted that the West Bengal debt (second top borrower only after Maharashtra) burden has increased staggeringly in the last few years. It is more likely that the people of district is going to witness a change in the squad in coming years.

The state government has been acting like a ‘traditional landlord’, where it refuses the release the productive forces but collects handsome revenue by leasing out land to the tea owners. In the absence of enough employment opportunity there has been a temporary migration in big cities and many have piled up in the informal sector of the region. The outcome of national register of citizen (NRC) in Assam may likely to further aggravate the situation, in the region, as it did in the late 1980s when Bhutanese government enforced the citizenship act of 1958.
The territorial separation of oppressed, marginalized and discriminated region is a step ahead for the democratization of the oppressive and centralized social structure of India.  However, there is a need to enlarge the canvas of Gorkha national struggle vis-à-vis other struggles by oppressed nationalities, oppressed communities and religious minorities in Indian subcontinent today. However, the major concern of the Gorkhaland movement since from its inception has been liquidation of the movement from the rank of its own leaders.  The regular betrayal has led the movement to the road of serfdom at various points . Such betrayal is to be overcome through concerted spirit and uncompromising participation for the statehood and their own homeland which assign them the real political identity in Indian subcontinent.
 
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