Showing posts with label gorkhaland. Show all posts
Showing posts with label gorkhaland. Show all posts

Gorkhaland, a demand whose time has come

5:12 PM
Gorkhaland, a demand whose time has come: Demand of the sons of the soil and the myths that tarnish the movement

When Jamyang Tsering Namgyal of Ladakh gave one of the most passionate, factual and heart-breaking accounts of how Article 370 had kept the people of Ladakh deprived, discriminated against and treated as a second class citizens, he forced people across India and the world to take note. Far away from Ladakh from where he belongs, or Delhi where he was giving his speech, people in the Eastern Himalayan region of Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars were glued onto their TVs. For us here in Darjeeling region, Jamyang wasn’t just describing the pathos of Ladakh, he was resonating each and every sentiment that we the people aspiring for Gorkhaland statehood have felt and lived through in West Bengal.
Gorkhaland
Gorkhaland 

‘Gorkhaland’ the very name evokes strong sentiments – from a motley crew of passionate supporters to very dedicated gang of opposers, to a vast majority of well-meaning but clueless neutrals who irrespective of their understanding of the issue or absolute lack of it, comment on it passionately.

Trying to explain the nuances of the demand for a ‘Gorkhaland state’ individually is very difficult, which is why it is imperative to explain the finer details of Gorkhaland demand in detail.

I am basing this article on a Q and A format so that everyone reading the article will find it easy to understand the issue in depth.

Everyday Identity Blues:

Curious stranger: Hi! You look a little strange…Where are you from? Nepal?

Me: India

Curious stranger: Let me guess… North East

Me: Darjeeling

Curious stranger: Oh! It’s in Nepal no?

Me: No, it’s in West Bengal

Curious stranger: Nice! So you are a Bong? Do you speak Bengali?

Me: No, I am a Gorkha, and our lingua franca is Nepali.

Curious stranger: Huh! So you immigrated to India?

Me: No, I was born here

Curious stranger: When did your family come to India?

Me: We didn’t immigrate, we came with the land. We are indigenous to the land.

Curious stranger: Like… seriously?

Me: Yeah! Like very very seriously.

On and on, every day we the Gorkhas have to face one set or other of these series of questions. Our children and youth who have to leave home for study and work grow up with this “crisis of identity” where we have to assert and reassert our Indian-ness day in and day out.

In the plainest of terms, the demand for Gorkhaland state is an attempt on the part of people from Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars to do away with this “crisis of identity” that Gorkhas across India have and have had to face and to assert our Indian Identity. So when Jamyang spoke of the people of Ladakh wanting to become Indian for over 70-years, we here in Darjeeling absolutely understood what he meant. He was, in more ways than he knew to narrate our plight.

I hope the following series of Q and A will help many of you understand the demand and its implications.

Is ‘Gorkhaland’ a demand for separation from India?

Foremost, let us all be clear about one thing – the demand for Gorkhaland is not a demand for separation from India. It is a demand for the formation of a separate state within the constitutional and geographical contours of India. Much like how Jharkhand, Uttarakhand, Chattisgarh, Telangana were formed, people living in Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars have been demanding the formation of a separate state called Gorkhaland, away from West Bengal.

What areas are being demanded as Gorkhaland?

The aspired Gorkhaland region comprises of the districts of Darjeeling, Kalimpong, and parts of Alipurduars and Jalpaiguri.

Is there any historical context to these particular areas being demanded as Gorkhaland?

The History of Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars is distinguished by one peculiar aspect – it has always been in a state of flux. Given its geostrategic location, this region was a hotly contested landmass between Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim, and Tibet. For centuries the dominant kingdom among these four took control of this region.

From 1662 until 1777 this region was under the Kingdom of Sikkim; however, in 1777 Nepal Army had defeated the King of Sikkim and established their dominance in this region. In 1816 the British Army defeated the Nepal Army, after which they took over and handed over these lands to the King of Sikkim as a gesture of friendship.

In 1835 the Brits took these lands on lease from the King of Sikkim to establish a sanatorium but ended up establishing their military garrison here. By the year 1866, the British had annexed the present day of Kalimpong and Doors from Bhutan following the defeat of Bhutan in the Anglo-Bhutan war of 1865, they then added this newly annexed area to the existing Darjeeling district – which we today know as Darjeeling Hills, Terai and Dooars.

It is these areas that never shared any history with Bengal, which the people here are demanding to be formed into a state called Gorkhaland.

Who are Gorkhas in the Indian context?

The ‘Gorkhas’ in the Indian context are Indian citizens of Nepali ethnicity, who live across the length and breadth of India. The term ‘Gorkha’ in the Indian context is used to differentiate the Indian citizens of Nepali ethnicity from the citizens of Nepal, who prefer to be called ‘Nepalese.’

Did the Gorkhas immigrate to India?

Majority of the people who identify themselves as ‘Gorkhas’ in India are sons and daughters of the soil, and their forefathers ‘came with the land.’ They did not immigrate to India. However, it is well recognized that there are many immigrants from Nepal, who have also settled in India, post-independence.

What do you mean by ‘came with the land’?

The Nepali kingdom in the 17th and 18th Century was spread all over the Himalayas. In the year 1777, Nepal had appropriated the Kingdoms of Sikkim, Kumaon, Garhwal and Kangra. However, following the Anglo-Nepal war of 1814-1816, Nepal agreed to cede most of the Terai region, the lands of Sikkim, Kumaon, Garhwal and Kangra to the British through the Treaty of Sugauli (Sugauli Sandhi), which was signed on 4 March 1816. After the Anglo-British war of 1865, the British appropriated the lands that are today known as Kalimpong and Dooars. Therefore, all the people of Nepali, Sikkimese, Tibetan and Bhutanese origin who were living in these tracts automatically came under the British and subsequently under India (after the British left), hence the term – ‘came with the land.’

Were there ‘Gorkhas’ in Darjeeling region prior to the British coming to India?

Recorded history shows that the region was inhabited as early as the 9th century. When Guru Padmasambhava had passed through this region in the 9th century, he had established Buddhism in the region – which indicates the presence of people living in the areaway, before the British ever landed in Asia.

In the Indian context, the word ‘Gorkha’ is an umbrella term used to identify a varied group of people, as one unified entity. In terms of Darjeeling communities such as the Róng – Lepchas, the Tsong – Limbus, the Kirat – Rai, the Dukpas, the Bhutias and the Magars are the aboriginal/ethnic/native people of the region, who constitute a large chunk of the ‘Gorkha’ people living in the Darjeeling region. Hence, it can be safely said that the majority of the ‘Gorkhas,’ who belong to these communities and are living in Darjeeling, ethnic to the region.

In addition, other groups of people such as the Gurungs, Thapas, Chettris, Newars, Sunwars, Bahuns, Kamis, Damais, Sarkis, Bhutias, Thamis etc, traversed these lands for trade or settled here following wars. For instance, the establishment of the Kingdom of Sikkim in 1642 brought in a large Bhutia population from Tibet and Bhutan into the region. Similarly, the Nepali incursions starting from as early as the 1700s brought many present-day Nepalis to the region.

While kingdoms changed, the people remained.

Over centuries the people from this region could be broadly categorized as – Nepali, Bhutia, Lepcha, Dukpa, Tsong, Rai, Magar of the hills, and Nepali, Dukpa, Koche (Rajbanshi), Meche, Rabha, and Toto of the plains.

Later Adivasis were brought in from Chota-Nagpur plateau to work in the tea gardens of Dooars, then Bengalis and another mainland Indians gradually came and settled in the region.

Around the 1890s the dominant Nepali-Bhutia-Lepcha groups subsumed the rest of the hill tribes into their fold and a unified identity “NeBuLa” was used to define the hill people. In Darjeeling, this gradually metamorphosed into the term “Gorkha”.

Hence, one can safely concur that the ‘Gorkha’ presence far supersedes the British arrival in the region.

It is important to note that today, the term ‘Gorkha’ is used to indicate people who are from this region – which today includes everyone from Bengali Gorkha, Bihari Gorkha to Marwari Gorkha etc.

When was the demand for Gorkhaland first raised?

The first demand for a separate administrative unit for the Darjeeling-Dooars region (a la Separate State in today’s term) was first raised by the Hillmen’s Association in 1907, making the demand for a separate state constituting the Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars region the oldest demand for statehood in India.

Why did the British not entertain this demand?

The only reason as to why such a demand was not entertained by the then British Government is because the Darjeeling and Dooars region was a highly contested geographical region which they had taken on lease from Sikkim and Bhutan. The British had declared our region to be a “non-regulated area”, which meant that the rules and laws developed for the rest of India would not be automatically applied to the region.

What historical claims does West Bengal have over the Darjeeling-Dooars region?

Ironically None! There is no shared history between the Darjeeling-Dooars region and the rest of West Bengal.

Historically, the district of Darjeeling never formed a part of Bengal and no King who ruled the plains of Bengal ever had any suzerainty over those areas. Ethnologically, the Mongoloid and semi-Mongoloid races inhabiting the Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars have more affinity with the Hill tribes of Assam than with the people in the plains of Bengal. Geographically the district of Darjeeling, Kalimpong, Alipurduar, Jalpaiguri and Cooch Behar are completely cut off and distinctly different from the rest of West Bengal. Linguistically, the people residing in this region have a greater affinity with Hindi, the Lingua Franca of India, than with the state language Bengali

Why is Darjeeling a part of West Bengal?

Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars were forcefully included into West Bengal without any consultation with the local populace using two flimsy acts enacted by WB Legislative Assembly:

The Requisitioned Land (Apportionment of Compensation) Act, 1949 (51 of 1949). Darjeeling District – transformed to the Absorbed Areas(Laws) Act, 1954.

The West Bengal Raw Jute Futures Act, 1948 (West Bengal Act No. 25 of 1948)

Why are people in Darjeeling demanding Gorkhaland?

The demand for a separate administrative unit (a separate state in today’s term) for the Darjeeling region had started as early as 1907. However, the influx of Bangladeshi refugees starting in 1965 and later state-sponsored illegal immigrants from Bangladesh post-1971 for vote bank by subsequent West Bengal governments led to the marginalization of the ethnic Gorkha, Kamtapuri and the Adivasi communities of the region. The demand for Gorkhaland is a demand to protect the identity, culture, history, traditions and the rich bond of people from the Darjeeling region, which they share with their land.

Furthermore, the Gorkhas from the Darjeeling region have continued to be labelled by the fascist and state-sponsored Bengali organizations such as Bangla O Bangla Bhasa Bachao Samity, Amra Bangali, Jan Jagaran Morcha, Jan Chetna Morcha as illegal immigrants and the demand for Gorkhaland illegal. They have rendered the ethnic Gorkha people as an intruder in his/her own ancestral lands. This has caused widespread socio-economic and political marginalization of the Gorkhas. All these factors have resulted in the Gorkhas being under-represented, stereotyped and communally discriminated in almost all sectors.

Moreover, Bengal has always been colonial in its approach to this region. The large revenues collected from the Darjeeling region have been used to develop other parts of Bengal while neglecting even the basic infrastructure in the region.

Case in point: Since the year 2002, over 3000 malnutrition-related death (death due to starvation) have been reported from the tea gardens of this region and yet the West Bengal government has not taken any steps to alleviate the sufferings of the people in the region. Instead, they have continued to deny the tea garden workers minimum wages.

Is the proposed Gorkhaland region economically viable?

The proposed Gorkhaland region is rich in bio-diversity, scenic views, hydro potentials, tourism, NTFP, Tea and numerous other resources, making this a resource-abundant region.

Currently, the aspired Gorkhaland region contributes to the least 20-23% of the total revenue collected in West Bengal. Even the most conservative estimates put the revenue potential from tea, tourism and hydro from the proposed Gorkhaland area at over 20,000 Crores per annum. In return, West Bengal only spends around Rs 5000 crores in the region annually (including salary paid to Govt officials). Thus, draining off a large portion of the revenue collected from the region.

It is estimated that the revenues from Tea and Tourism alone will make the proposed Gorkhaland region a revenue surplus state.

The revenues collected from hydro development, NTFP, cross-border trades and other resources will make the proposed state of Gorkhaland as one of the most economically vibrant states in India.

What is Chicken Neck region and how will Gorkhaland impact the National Security or our nation?

Darjeeling district is home to the proverbial “chicken neck” region, a roughly 200-km stretch which borders four nations — Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Tibet — in distances varying from 25 kms to 60 kms. It has seen a large-scale influx of illegal migrants from Bangladesh, which started as a trickle in 1965 and turned into a gushing torrent post the 1971 Indo-Pakistan war, that lead to the creation of Bangladesh.

The ‘Siliguri Corridor’ has today become one of the most porous border regions in the world, and Pakistan’s ISI has used this to operate its agents freely. In fact, in 2002, the writer Pinaki Bhattacharya had highlighted how the ISI was using the ‘Siliguri Corridor’ as a supply route to provide arms and ammunition via Bangladesh to insurgents in the North East. Following investigations into the Burdwan bomb blast, in May 2015, the National Investigating Agency released a report that explained how Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) had networks in West Bengal and lower districts of Assam, and that JMB had been using West Bengal as a safe sanctuary.

Given all this, if there is one state in India which is actually a safe haven for terrorists, it is West Bengal, and if the state government was capable of addressing national security concerns, it would have done so a long time ago. The presence of ISI modules and terrorists of the various ilk in Bengal actually prove that the state government in Bengal isn’t able to protect the vulnerable “chicken neck” area.

One possible reason for this could be that the state capital and its power centre, Kolkata, is located too far away from the region, because of which the state administration isn’t able to focus much on the north Bengal districts.

A state of Gorkhaland, including the hills of Darjeeling, Terai and Dooars, would, therefore, help ensure better safety and security for the “chicken neck” area. Smaller states are also easier to govern and the presence of the entire state machinery being in one region would help keep close tabs on infiltrators, unlike what is possible out of Kolkata.

Why is West Bengal opposed to the formation of Gorkhaland?

The state of West Bengal is one of the most economically backward states in India. Even though it is the 5th largest in terms of its size, but due to the high debt burden of over Rs. 4.35 lakh Crores, West Bengal is practically bankrupt and is highly dependent on the Central Government and the revenues generated from the proposed Gorkhaland region for its sustenance and economic survival.

So despite all the rhetoric stating, “Darjeeling is Bengal’s Abhinno Aanga,” Bengal is scared of losing its hen, which is currently laying the golden eggs. It is scared of losing the cash cow that has continued to discount the development of Bengal’s other regions over and over since independence.

Further, Bengal has always held a parochial, colonial and discriminatory attitude towards the proposed Gorkhaland region and continues to do so. Every time the Gorkhas have demanded justice or our rights, we are labelled as intruder, terrorists, and foreigners in our own land.

Hence the urgent need for Gorkhaland state to be formed.

We are hopeful that someday soon, our Member of Parliament from Darjeeling will also be able to speak with the same passion and emotion that Jamyang Tsering Namgyal did and tell the nation how the formation of Gorkhaland state or Union Territory will benefit mother India.

** This article was written by Mr Upendra Mani Pradhan, a Darjeeling-based Political Analyst [Twitter: @jorebungley] and co-authored by Dr Vimal Khawas, an Associate Professor in the Dept of Peace and Conflict Studies, Sikkim University [Twitter: @vimalkhawas]

[ Via: https://www.opindia.com/2019/08/gorkhaland-a-demand-whose-time-has-come-demand-of-the-sons-of-the-soil-and-the-myths-that-tarnish-the-movement/ ]

No matter who loses, we, the Gorkhas, have already won

8:05 AM
Writes: Upendra

In the 2019 elections, Darjeeling Lok Sabha seat is being viewed by almost everyone interested in politics as a litmus test to adjudge if the Gorkha aspirations of having a state of our own will prevail, or if the iron will of TMC chief Mamata Banerjee to obliterate the demand forever will deal a crushing blow to the same.

In the muddled regional political atmosphere, which has gone topsy-turvy post the 2017 Gorkhaland agitation, it would take a political analyst of superhuman powers to predict who will win the seat. While the BJP sounds hopeful of retaining the seat, TMC is confident they will wrestle the seat away from the BJP, which has held the seat for 10-long-years, and has nothing to show for it. Chequering the political equation further is the lack of a strong regional political party that could decisively swing the elections one way or the other.

Currently, for me though, no matter which candidate loses, the Gorkhas have already won, and here’s why.

2017: The game changer

Not many may be aware that till date, Nepali – a language, which is one of the recognised national languages of India, and is included under the 8th Schedule of our Constitution, is not included as an optional paper in the West Bengal Civil Services (WBCS). While one can choose Nepali as an optional paper in the IAS exams, its non-inclusion was highlighted repeatedly in West Bengal Legislative Assembly, yet the powers that be have continued their defiant stand against Nepali language inclusion in WBCS.
These are copies of the same textbook -- same class, same subject. While the copy on the left, for Nepali medium schools, is printed in black and white, the right is for Bengali medium schools, printed in colour
File image

Instances of textbooks published by the West Bengal Secondary School Board discriminating against Nepali language have been reported in local media over the years. The most blatant of all being a Nepali medium book being printed in black and white, whereas books in other languages were printed in colour. After the failure of Gorkhaland agitation in 2013, the Trinamool Congress government had increasingly shown their disdain towards Nepali language, and there was a growing resentment against the same.

On May 15, 2017, West Bengal education minister Partha Chatterjee made an announcement that “the government [of WB] will introduce three-language policy, the students will have to take Bengali compulsory as one of the three languages”.

This same fact was reiterated by Mamata herself in a Facebook post dated May 16.

The Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars, which have a very cosmopolitan mixture of Gorkhas – Nepali, Lepcha, Bhutia – Adivasis, Rajbonshis, Rabha, Toto, Mech, Bengali, Bihari, Marwari, Punjabi and almost every other major ethnic groups from various parts of India erupted in protests. Leading the protests were the Gorkhas whose lingua franca is Nepali.

Gorkhaland agitation: A quick recall

Protests against attempt at linguistic imperialism on the part of TMC government quickly snowballed into a full-fledged demand for separate state of Gorkhaland. Even quicker was the response of the state machinery, which violently crushed the movement. The Gorkhas, who were demanding the formation of a Gorkhaland state within the geographic, political and constitutional contours of India, were labelled as separatists and terrorists. The administration even said those demanding Gorkhaland have linkages to militants in Northeast and Maoists in Nepal, they didn’t bother mentioning which faction, though.
Darjeeling residents take part in a protest against, what they call, linguistic imperialism

Towards the end of September 2017, the Gorkhaland statehood movement had died a natural death, with movement leaders choosing to go underground.

Ready at hand were second-rung leaders, who quickly stepped in to fill the void, not in leading the agitation for Gorkhaland statehood, but in handling the local Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA) on behalf of the West Bengal government.

Since then, there have been attempts at completely subverting any and all forms of expressing of the Gorkha identity issue in the region.

As all of this was unfolding BJP and its entire leadership, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi preferred to keep a safe distance from the entire issue, and didn’t even utter a single word of sympathy, solidarity, support or outrage. It was almost like, for BJP, the perils facing Gorkhas was an unpleasant distraction, they could very well do without.

The Congress and CPI (M), the other two main political parties in the region, did make some noise about everyone coming to the table and indulging in a dialogue to resolve the impasse, both were functionally indifferent towards the plight and sufferings of the Gorkhas.

Time and tide

But the Gorkhas are a hardy bunch, and we endured all the hardships, with a smile on our lips and hope in our hearts.

Today, as the election comes knocking at the door, lo and behold, the Gorkhas are a priority for all the political parties. Every major political party is trying their best to reconnect with the Gorkhas, whom they had, for all intent and purpose, forsaken and left for dead only a year ago.

Today, three among the four major political parties have nominated a Nepali speaking individual as their candidate for the Darjeeling Lok Sabha seat. BJP has nominated Raju Bista, CPI (M) has nominated Saman Pathak, and Trinamool Congress has nominated Amar Singh Rai. Congress has nominated Sankar Malakar, who by the virtue of being a bhoomiputra from Darjeeling Lok Sabha constituency is fluent in Nepali. In fact on his very day after being given the Congress ticket, he headed to Kurseong and interacted with the locals, reminding them of TMC atrocities and BJP betrayals in the language majority of the people in the region speak – Nepali.

Raju Bista is a political novice, but what swung BJP ticket in his favour was his Indian Gorkha heritage. The BJP is hoping that his ‘Gorkhaness’ will rub off against the unpopular anti-Gorkha stand of TMC during the Gorkhaland agitation in the region and help their candidate to shine. Their secret weapon, his mother tongue, is the same that of the shared lingua franca of our region – Nepali.

Saman Pathak comes with years of experience in politics; in fact, he is one of the most experienced candidates around. His father, Anand Pathak, too, has represented Darjeeling Lok Sabha seat in Parliament, and he was himself a member of Rajya Sabha previously. His mother tongue, too, is Nepali.

As for Trinamool Congress, which wanted to impose Bengali across West Bengal, they didn’t move even a single paper in that regard after the protests against their attempted linguistic imperialism broke out in Darjeeling hills, Terai and Dooars. What is almost ironic is that TMC that brutally crushed down the demand for a land of our own is desperately trying to project their candidate Amar Singh Rai as a son-of-the soil Bhoomiputra. The very same TMC that had labelled Gorkhas as being separatists and terrorists, is today talking about protecting the IDENTITY of the Gorkhas.

The Gorkhas have endured, now it’s time to thrive

From my count, we, the Gorkhas, have endured all that the time, government, system and bureaucracy had thrown our way, and survived. We are still Gorkhas – unchanged, and our indomitable spirit remains unconquered. Every political party that had sought to crush us, that had been indifferent towards our plight, that had been apathetic to our distress, that had been unconcerned towards our misery and suffering are today pandering to us.

For me, this is a win

We, the Gorkhas, have survived, and no matter who loses the upcoming elections or wins, we shall thrive.

(Upendra M Pradhan is a Darjeeling-based political analyst and editor-at-large at The Darjeeling Chronicle. He can be reached at pradhanum@gmail.com)

Source - https://www.eastmojo.com/opinion/2019/04/09/no-matter-who-loses-we-the-gorkhas-have-already-won

गाेर्खाल्याण्ड : भुसभित्रकाे अागाे

10:13 PM
हालै एउटा समसामयिक पत्रिकामा प्रकाशित एउटा लेख।

                             
   ।। गाेर्खाल्याण्ड : भुसभित्रकाे अागाे ।।
                                                                                                     ✍ पुरण छेत्री

बर्ष २०१७, दार्जिलिङबासीहरूले कहिल्यै भुल्न नसकिने बर्ष भएर गए। करिब एक चाैथाई बर्ष दार्जिलिङले हडतालमै बिताए। कतिले यी सबै घटनाहरू भुले तर बिनय - अनितलाई भने याे अान्दाेलन ढकमक्क फूले।

अलिकति पृष्ठभूमि :

१६ मई २०१७ मा बंगालका शिक्षा मन्त्री पार्थ च्याटर्जीले राज्यभरिनै कक्षा १ देखि १० सम्म बंगाली भाषा अनिवार्य भएकाे घाेषणा गरे। बर्षाै देखि अाफ्नाे जातिय सुरक्षाकाे प्रश्न लिएर अाफ्नाे छुट्टै राज्य हुनु पर्छ भन्ने भावना पालेर बसेका गाेर्खाहरूकाे मुटुमा याे घाेषणा काँडा भएर बिझे। १९८६ मा सुबास घिसिङकाे अान्दाेलनकालमा जन्मिएका बालक ३० बर्षकाे लक्का बेकारी जवान बनिसकेकाे अवस्थामा याे निर्णय बिकशित जातिले हामीमाथी जबर्जस्ती थाेपिएकाे निर्णय महशुस गरे। चारैतिरबाट यसकाे बिराेध हुन शुरू भयाे।

जुन ५, २०१७ मा बंगालका मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जी पहाड भ्रमनमा अाईन्। उनकाे भ्रमण अवधि मिरिक सौरेनीमा कालो झण्डा देखाउने वीर अान्दोलनकारी नाेलडाँडाका पूर्ण सिंह राईलाई अाधा घण्टा भित्रै पक्राउ गरिएकाे थियाे। यसरी शुरू भयाे २०१७ काे भाषा अतिक्रमण बिरूद्ध अान्दाेलन। पूर्ण सिंह राईनै २०१७ काे अान्दाेलनमा पक्रा पर्ने पहिलाे अान्दाेलनकारी हुन्। भारत जस्ताे विशाल गणतन्त्रमा अाफुलाई मन नपरेकाे कुराेकाे शान्तिपूर्ण ढंगमा बिराेध गर्न सकिन्छ। अन्य राज्यहरूमा भने थप्पड हान्ने, जुत्ता-चप्पलकाे झटाराे हान्ने, कलमकाे मसी छर्कने जस्ता घट्नाहरू भएका छन्। तर बंगालमा शासकदलकाे बिराेध गर्नुलाई राष्ट्रद्राेहनै मानिन्छन्। यसले बंगालकाे राजनैतिक संस्कार कतातिर लम्किरहेकाे छ भनेर अनुमान लगाउँन सकिन्छ।

अान्दाेलनका केही घटनाहरू:

जुन् ८,२०१७ मा पूर्व घाेषणा अनुरूप दार्जिलिङमा राज्यका मन्त्री परिषदकाे "क्याबिनेट स्तरीय" बैठक राज भवनमा चलिरहेकाे थियाे। गाेजमुमाेले साेही क्याबिनेटमा गाेर्खा बाहुल क्षेत्रहरूमा बंगाली भाषा "अनिवार्य" नरहने प्रस्तावना पास गराउँन दबाव दिईरहेकाे थियाे। क्याबिनेटमा साे बिषयकाे चर्चा नभए पनि मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीले सभा पश्चात, "पहाडमा बंगाली भाषा एच्छिक बिषय मात्र रहने" घाेषणा गरिन्। असन्तुष्ट प्रदर्शनकारीहरू र पुलिसमाझ भएकाे झडपले निकै ठुलाे रूप लिने छाँट देखे पछि सेना उतार्न परेकाे थियाे। पश्चिम बंगाल सरकारले साेहि दिन देखि, जी०ट०ए० चेयरम्यान बिमल गुरूङकाे सुरक्षा गार्ड फिर्ता लगे।

युवा माेर्चाकाे १२ घण्टा पहाड बन्दकाे घाेषणा, मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीकाे सिलगडी प्रस्थान र केही अागजनी घटनाहरू बिच, १३ जुनकाे दिन पहाडकाे राजनैतिक दलहरूकाे सभाले अब उसाे पुनः अलग राज्य गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे माग अघि बडाउँने प्रस्ताव पारित गरे। जीटीए संग असन्तुष्ट रहेका गाेजमुमाे प्रमुख बिमल गुरूङले "गाेर्खाल्याण्ड" मुद्दा यथावत राख्दै चुक्ती गरेकाले उक्त मागलाई फेरि अघि बढाउँन सकिने प्रशस्त ठाउँ थियाे। पहाडमा सबै भन्दा बलियाे र व्यापक जन समर्थन रहेकाे दल गाेजमुमाे रहेकाेले राज्य सरकारलाई अलग राज्यकाे अान्दाेलन तेज गराउँन सक्ने भय पनि गाेजमुमाेसंग नै थियाे।

२०१७ काे जुन १५ मा अचानक पुलिसले गाेजमुमाे कार्यलय र अध्यक्ष बिमल गुरूङकाे घरमा छापा मारे पछि, बिनय तामाङले "अनिश्चितकालीन बन्दकाे" घाेषणा गरे।

१७ जुनमा जनअान्दाेलन र गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे अान्दाेलन  शहिदहरूकाे रगतले रंगिए।
      - सहिद सुनिल राई, कैंजले
      - सहिद बिमल शासांकर, गाेक
      - सहिद महेश गुरूङ, रेलिङ

१८ जुनबाट सरकारले पहाडमा ईन्टरनेट बन्द गरिदिए। यसले अान्दाेलनकारीमाझ खवरकाे अादान प्रदानमा बाधा अायाे।

२० जुनकाे सर्वदलीय बैठक पछि, जीटीएका ४५ जना सभासदकाे राजिनामा, जीटीए खारेज अादीकाे प्रस्तावना हुुँदै अनिश्चितकालीन बन्द बिस्तारै १३ दिनमा प्रवेश गरे। गाेजमुमाेकाे प्रभावकारी कार्यक्रम र बंगाल सरकारलाई चाप दिने नीति अनुरूप तत्कालीन गाेजमुमाे  २७ जुनमा सह सचिव बिनय तामाङकाे अगुवाईमा २०११ मा गरिएकाे जीटीएकाे चुक्ती पत्र जलाईयाे।

जुलाई महिना भरि घरि केन्द्लाई रिझाउँने, घरि गाली गर्ने त कहिले राम्राे खवर अाउँने हल्लाहरू बिचदैनिक धर्ना र जुलुसहरू जारी रहे।

७ जुलाई जनअान्दाेलन र गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे अान्दाेलन  पुन: शहिदकाे रगतले रंगिए।
      - सहिद टाँसी भाेटीया, साेनादा

८ जुलाईमा जनअान्दाेलन र गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे अान्दाेलन  फेरि शहिदहरूकाे रगतले रंगिए।
      - सहिद सुरज भुसाल, तुङसुङ
      - सहिद समीर गुरूङ, सिंहमारी
      - सहिद अशाेक तामाङ, लुईस जुबली

१७ जुलाईमा जनअान्दाेलन र गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे अान्दाेलन  अझ शहिदहकाे रगतले रंगिए।
      - सहिद अाशिष तामाङ, मगरजुङ

अगस्त १३ मा केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्रीले डाकेकाे बैठकमा बिमल गुरूङ अनुपस्थित रहे। केन्द्रले डाकेकाे बैठकमा बिमल गुरूङले उपस्थिति नदिएर एउटा ठुलाे भुल गरि पठाए। भाजपाकाे घटक दलकाे रूपमा बिमल गुरूङलाई बैठकमा बाेलाईए पनि, GMCC ले नै अगुवा गर्न खाेजेकाे याे बैठकमा केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्रीले त्यति चासाे देखाएनन् र साेझै राज्यकाे मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जी संग कुरा गर्ने सुझाव दिए।

त्यसैलाई अाधार मानेर २४ अगस्तमा गाेरामुमाेकाे पक्षबाट वार्ताकाे निम्ति निरज जिम्बाले मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीलाई पत्राचार गरे।

२९ अगस्तकाे नवान्नकाे सर्वदलिय बैठक पछि, बिनय तामाङले १२ दिन अर्थात अघिल्लाे सभा सम्मकाे निम्ति बन्द स्थगित गर्ने सुझाव दिए।

३१ अगस्तमा पुनः एक सहिद
      - सहिद श्यामाला / प्रमिला राई, युथ हाेस्टेल

१ सितम्बरमा राेशन गिरीले, बन्द उठाउँनु जनअावाज बिरूद्ध रहेकाे ठहर गर्दै बिनय-अनित दुवैलाई दलबाट निकालिएकाे घाेषणा गरे। साेहिदिन सिक्किमकाे भुमीमै पसेर अर्का अान्दाेलनकारीलाई बंगाल पुलिसले सिकार गर।
      - सहिद दावा भाेटीया, पेदाेङ

१२ सितम्बरमा नवान्नमा हुने बैठकमा राज्यद्वारा बिनय-अनितलाईनै मान्यतादिने घाेषणा।

२० सितम्बरमा पश्चिम बंगालका मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीद्वारा बिनय तामाङलाई GTA काे BOA नियुक्त। बाेर्डमा अनित थापा, सन्चबिर सुब्बा, मन घिसिङ, मले दे (मुख्य सचिव), अमर सिंह राई (बिधायक), अनु छेत्री, ज्याेतिन खातुन अनि एल० बी० राई रहेकाे घाेषणा।

२२ सितम्बरमा केन्द्रीय वार्ता टाेलीका सदश्यहरू के० डी० प्रधान, पी० टी० अाेला अनि त्रिलाेक चन्द्र राेका गुडगाँव बाट पक्राउ गरियाे।

२६ सितम्बरमा केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्री राजनाथ सिंह द्वारा गाेर्खाल्याण्ड मुद्दा माथी सचिव स्तरिय वार्ता राख्ने निर्देश दिदै, गाेजमुमाेलाई अनिश्चितकालीन बन्द उठाउँने अपिल। केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्रीको वार्ताकाे पहल र अपिललाई सम्मान जनउँदै बिमल गुरूङद्वारा बन्द खाेलिएकाे घाेषणा।

२५ अक्टोबरमा पुलिस हिरासतमै रहेका र उपचाराधिन गाेर्खाल्याण्डकाे अर्का वीर सिपाही सहिद। सम्पुर्ण पहाड शाेकाकुल।
      - सहिद बरूण भुजेल, पार्षद, कालेबुङ नगरपालिका ।

बंगला गितमा मनाएकाे भानु जयन्ती, जात-जातकाे बाेर्ड गठन, जिल्ला बिभाजन र बंगला भाषाकाे अनिवार्यताले सबै गाेर्खा सन्तानले जातिय असुरक्षा महशुस गरिरहेका थिए। विश्व भरि छरिएर बसेका गाेर्खाहरूले अान्दाेलनलाई समर्थन जनाई रहेका थिए।

बारम्बार पहाड शान्त छ भन्ने मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीकाे अालाेचनामा बिपक्षीहरू हात धाेएर लाग्न थाले। अाफ्नाे कार्यकालमा बंगालबाट अलग राज्य गाेर्खाल्याण्ड हुनुभनेकाे उनलाई बंगालकै ईतिहासले भाेली धिक्कार्नु हाे। बिपक्षीहरू यसै मुद्दालाई लिएर उनलाई सत्ताच्युत गराउँने ताकमा थिए। यस्ताेमा उनले जसरी भए पनि याे अान्दाेलन साम्य पार्नु थियाे। उनले लिएकाे कुनै पनि निर्णय बेसक बंगालकै हितमा हुनु पर्ने थियाे। उनले त्यसै गरिन् र बंगालकाे मुख्यमन्त्री हुनुकाे धर्म निभाईन्।

यता अान्दाेलनकारीहरू भने दिल्लीतिर हेर्दै कराई रहेका थिए। बंगाल सरकार संग वार्ता नगर्ने बिमल गुरूङकाे अडान स्पष्ट थियाे। यता अान्दाेलनकाे रूप दैनिक उग्र हुँदै गएपछि बंगाल सरकार अात्तिएकै अवस्थामा दिल्लीलाई गुहार मागे। केन्द्रीय  गृहमन्त्री राजनाथ सिंह र मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जी बिचकाे वार्ताले केन्द्रीय पुलिस बल दिएर बंगाललाई सहयाेग दिने वचन दिए। केन्द्रीय पुलिसबल अाए पछि अान्दाेलनकारीहरू शीत बंगाल सरकारकाे ब्यवहारनै बदलियाे।

यस अान्दाेलनमा सामुहिक नेतृत्व हुनु पर्छ भन्ने जाेर दिदै बिमल गुरूङलाई जीटीए त्याग्न भनियाे। जीएमसीसीकाे गठनले अान्दाेलनलाई थप उँचाई दिने अाशा गरिएकाे थियाे। प्रथम पंक्तिकाे नेतृत्वहरूकाे अभावमा जीएमसीसी लंगडाे मात्र हिड्याे। वास्तवमा प्रभावकारी कार्यक्रम दिन नसक्नुनै जीएमसीसीकाे असफलताकाे कारण रह्याे। बंगाललाई जसरी भए पनि अान्दाेलन साम्य पार्नु थियाे। साम, दाम, दण्ड र भेदकाे नीति लिएर अघि बडे। गाेरामुमाेबाट निरज जिम्बाले बिष पिएर लेखेकाे पत्र बंगालकाे निम्ति संजिवनी बुट्टी साबित भयाे।

अान्दाेलन पछिकाे अन्याेलता:

केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्रीको अाश्वासन पछि पहाड अन्यालग्रस्त बन्याे। बंगाल सरकारलाई अाच्छु-अाच्छु पारेकाे २०१७ काे अान्दाेलनकाे लाभ भन्दा धेरै हानीनै देखिन्छ। लगभग घुँडा टेकीसकेका बंगालका मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीकाे अन्तर्राष्ट्रियस्तरमा अालाेचनाहुन थालेपछि, बैठककाे निम्ति अाग्रह गरिरहेकी थिईन। भाषा विवादबाट शुरू भएकाे अान्दाेलन छुट्टै राज्यकाे मागमा रूपान्तर भए पछि बंगाल सरकार पनि असमंजसमा परेका थिए।

केन्द्रीय गृहमन्त्रीले तृपक्षिय वार्ता राख्न सक्थे। देशकाे चार अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सिमाक्षेत्रमा पर्ने दार्जिलिङ असान्त हुनु भनेकाे देशकाे अान्तरिक सुरक्षाकाे बिषय थियाे। एउटा बिशुद्ध राजनैतिक मुद्दालाई राजनथ सिंहले कानुनी समस्या भनेर बताउन साथ गाेर्सखाकाे टाउकाेमा पुलिसकाे डण्ठा बजेन थाले।

देशकाे गृहमन्त्री, हाम्राे निम्ति कामै लागेनन्। बरू हाम्राे अान्दाेलन दबाउँन मुख्यमन्त्री ममता ब्यानर्जीलाई भरपुर सहयाेग गरे। स्वतन्त्र भारतकाे ईतिहासमा सबैभन्दा कमजाेर र डरछेरूवा गृहमन्त्री राजनाथ सिंह नै हुन्।

यसै अान्दाेलनले माटाे प्रेमी र चाैकि प्रेमी छुट्टीए यसकाे मुख्य लाभ भने बंगाल सरकारलाईनै भयाे।

२०१७ काे अगस्त महिनाकाे मध्यतिर अचानक एउठा बयान अायाे, "मलाई बङ्गाल सरकारसित मिलेर दार्जीलिङ र खरसाङका केही अवसरवादी नेताहरूले फसाउने षडयन्त्र गरिरहेका छन्। १०-१२ दिनमा उनीहरू को हुन्, म सार्वजनिक गर्नेछु।’

संसार भरि छरिएर बसेका गाेर्खाल्याण्ड समर्थकहरूकाे सहयाेग रहेकाे याे अान्दाेलनमा यस्ताे प्रकारकाे बयान अचानक अाउँनुले अाफैमा धेरै रहस्य बाेकेका थिएछन्। सम्पुर्ण गाेर्खाहरूकाे समर्थन रहेकाे साथै पहाड, तराई, डुवर्स एक भएकाे याे बृहत् अान्दाेलनमा यस्ताे कार्य कसले गर्लान् भनेर सायद कसैले पत्याएनन्। मैले पनि पत्याईंन त्यसबेला। तर बताउँनै परेन, समयले सबै कुराे उदाङ्गाे पारीदियाे।

अनिश्चितकालीन बन्द डाक्ने देखि जीटीएकाे चुक्ती पत्र जलाउँने सम्म गाेजमुमाे सह सचिव बिनय तामाङकाे भुमिका सराहनीय रह्याे। उनले अान्दाेलनलाई अाफै अघि अाएर नेतृत्व दिन खाेजेकाे दृश्यहरू जता ततै पाईन्छ। बंगाल सरकार संग मिलेर एक प्रकारले अान्दाेलन बिथाेलेकाे अाराेप लागे पनि वास्तवमा उनले गाेजमुमाेकाे सह-सचिव हुनुकाे धर्म वार्ता सम्म राम्रै निर्वाह गरे।

अान्दाेलनमा शिथिलता अाए पछि, एउटा अन्तरवार्तामा बिनय तामाङले भने, "बन्द यति लामाे हुन्छ भनेर मलाई थाहा थिएन"। यसरी नतिजा के हुन्छ भन्ने कुरा नबुझी बन्द डाक्ने नेताकाे पछि लागेर हामीले अनावश्यक दुःख पाएका थिएछाैं। अहिले अाएर बन्द डाक्ने मानिस नेता भएर मन्त्रीको अहाेदा पाएर गजक्क छन्। उनकाे अादेश मानेर बन्द गराउँनेहरू अदालतमा मुद्दा खेपिरहेका छन्। पुलिसले खेदिरहेका छन्।

क्रान्ति बिना मुक्ति हुँदैन। २०१७ काे जनअान्दाेलनले मुक्तिकाे मार्ग खाेजीरहेका थिए। अान्दाेलन साम्य भए पछि भने बिनय तामाङकाे भुमिका जनहित बिपरित देखिए। उनले बिमल गुरूङ गलत मार्गमा थिए भने, अान्दाेलनलाई त्यहिबाट उठाएर सहि दिशा दिनु पर्ने थियाे। बिनय - अनितले दिशा परिवर्तन गरेर बंगालतिर फर्किए । गाेर्खाकाे जातिय उन्मुक्तिकाे युद्धमा "मिरजाफरकाे" उपाधी लिएर भिखमा पाएकाे कुर्सीमा बिराजमान छन्। पुलिस- प्रशासनकाे अाडमा गरिएकाे कुट्नितीले जातिलाई कस्ताे निकाश दिने हाे हेर्न बाँकीनै छ। संसारमा कस्ता-कस्ता क्रुर शासकहरूकाे अन्त्य जनतालेनै गरेका छन्। दार्जिलिङ पनि अाखिर भुसभित्रकाे अागाेनै हाे, कहिले यसले बिकराल रूप लिनेछ, कल्पना बाहिरनै छ।

What Gorkha Youth Thinks

9:14 AM
Writes: Dibya Chhetri

Gorkhaland has again become the most popular topic for discussion with the upcoming Elections in April. At every corner, you can hear people discussing whose fault was it the last time and who is to be blamed. Having failed so many times, we have even stopped learning lessons from the past mistakes. We always find an excuse to blame someone and continue repeating the same mistakes time and again.

However we may want to believe, it has always been our lack of unity and integrity that is to blame.  It is us who split out because of petty differences and aspirations compromising the larger cause of the community. The sacrifices of the martyrs who died believing in Gorkhaland have been reduced to mere stories today. Blaming ‘THEM’ has become our culture today simply because it is easy. ’THEY did this to US’ is easier than saying ‘WE did it ourselves and rectify our actions.

Our refusal to introspect our actions have made it difficult for us to learn from the mistakes and take corrective measures. I certainly don’t believe that only protests and shutdowns Darjeeling or Delhi should be the first and easy alternative for us use. What we lack is honest people to represent our voice at all levels, a vision for the youth, and a willingness to change for better.


Let us look around us for a while, the youths are leaving the place for a better life outside in bigger cities. Hundreds others are neck-deep in alcohol and drug addiction. Those who want to work, don’t have the knowledge or resources to start something. With such situation at home, the only option we have left is to work in service of others. Perhaps we are happy doing the *ji saabji* and even used to it now. Of course, we sometimes get sentimental and cry victim when something unfortunate happens; but happy to narrate our glorious history when all other excuses fail.

Dear Gorkhas ,
Make sure people will know you by your present action and not by your history .
Be the sun that shines everywhere
Be it education, entertainment, sports, or politics
Business or social services
From dash to dash


Via thedarjeelingchronicle.com


GJM-Union Home Secretary Meet, Discuss Darjeeling Situation

9:06 PM
BREAKING: GJM-Union Home Secretary Meet, Discuss Darjeeling Situation

A meeting between the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) and the Union Home Secretary was was held today at the Chambers of Union Home Secretary at North Block in Delhi. The meeting was attended by Union Home Secretary and other MHA Officials on behalf of the government, and was lead by Mr. Lobsang Yolmo the former Gorkhaland Terrirorial Administration Chairman.

At the meeting, the GJM comprised of Shri Lopsong Yolmo, former Chairman, Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA), Lt Col (retd) Ramesh Allay, former deputy chief executive, GTA, Smt Sarita Rai, MLA, Kalimpong as well as central committee members of the party including Shri R Moktan, Smt Urmila Rumba, Smt Bandana Yonzone, Smt Minu Bhutia, Shri Bishal Chettri and Shri Bishal Lama, and Shri Anand Bhandari was present as the legal advisor.

In a Press release, GJM has said the main points discussed were as follows:

 1.   Need for finding a political solution to the long pending demands of Gorkhas and other people of Darjeeling, Kalimpong District, Terai and Dooars region at the earliest
  2.  The semi-autonomous bodies, earlier the DGHC and now the GTA, were failures and that only a permanent political solution would answer to the perennial political problem in the region.
    The delegation requested the home secretary that Government of India immediately commence a series of tripartite talks between the Government of India, Government of West Bengal and Gorkha Janmukti Morcha which will pave the way for finding a permanent solution to the long pending demand of the Gorkha people.
 3.   Introduce a bill in the upcoming winter session of parliament for inclusion of the 11 Gorkha Tribes for ST status for the 11 left out Gorkha tribes – Bhujel, Gurung, Mangar, Newar, Jogi, Khas, Rai, Sunwar, Thami, Yakkha and Dhimal into the Schedule Tribes of India list.
 4.   Constitute an Expert Committee to Study the Economic, Administrative and Political Viability of Gorkhaland State which will include the Darjeeling, Kalimpong, Terai and Dooars region
  5.  Create a conducive atmosphere in Darjeeling region so that proper dialogue could begin.
 6.   They said that an undeclared "police-raj" was imposed in Darjeeling, "where false and fabricated cases are/being slapped against anyone who is even remotely deemed of being supportive of the demand for Gorkhaland."
 7.   Transfer of all cases of bomb-blasts and arms recovery to the NIA, and has also sought an investigative inquiry under the Centre into all deaths during the Gorkhaland agitation.

    The union home secretary has inturn asserted that a fact finding team would be sent to Darjeeling and other places to look into charges of misuse of law and order machinary by the district administration and police.

The union home secretary further assured the GJM team that the home ministry would seek to hold a tripartite meeting after the Puja holidays. The meeting lasted for about a hour and was attended by other union home ministry officials.

Via The DC

A crisis within crisis: The fault line of India’s longest statehood demand- Gorkhaland

3:54 PM
By SHWETA RAJ KANWAR 

100 years and more, the longest statehood demand in India’s history, the demand for Gorkhaland has, many times reached its peak; and yet has always come tumbling down. Time and again, the unfulfilled aspirations have been doused by temporary promises and in 2017, the ‘Queen of Hills’ was under siege as Gorkhas all around the world stood in unison against this incessant predicament of proving their identity as Indian citizens. Despite dating back to 1907, why is it that the demand for Gorkhaland has fallen into deaf ears? Why is it that despite agitations and protests, the issue still lays unresolved, pushed into the corner of nothingness- like a dormant volcano that erupts from time to time, only to be silenced again. What is it that reignites this movement time and again at regular intervals and leaves it without any solution?
India’s longest statehood demand- Gorkhaland
India’s longest statehood demand- Gorkhaland

History of Gorkhaland demand

The demand for a separate administrative unit in Darjeeling has existed since 1907, when the Hillmen’s Association of Darjeeling submitted a memorandum to Minto-Morley Reforms demanding a separate administrative setup. Also, it may be mentioned that in 1947, the undivided Communist Party of India (CPI) submitted a memorandum to the Constituent Assembly demanding the formation of Gorkhasthan comprising Darjeeling District and Sikkim.

In the 1980s, under Gorkha National Liberation Front’s (GNLF) Subhas Ghising, the movement reached its peak. 1986-88 were on of the most violent years of protest: approximately 1,200 people died. The agitation ultimately led to the establishment of a semi-autonomous body in 1988 called the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) to govern certain areas of Darjeeling district. Eventually, Ghising faded from the limelight and in 2008, the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) began spearheading the movement. In 2011, GJM signed an agreement with the state and central governments for the formation of Gorkhaland Territorial Administration, another semi-autonomous body that replaced the DGHC in the Darjeeling hills.

The 2013 agitation was also one to remember wherein for the first time in 106 years, all the major political parties of the hills agreed to come together and jointly take the agitation forward. Even in 2017, the agitation bore no fruits. Protests first started on June 5, after the West Bengal government announced an intention that the Bengali language would be made mandatory in all schools across the state. People of Darjeeling and the adjoining areas who are predominantly Nepali speaking, saw this as an imposition of an alien culture upon them. Fuelled by the determination to preserve their own culture, identity and language, this protest soon turned into a full-fledged resurgence of the agitation for a separate state of Gorkhaland. July 30, 2017 saw the culmination of Gorkhas (and also some non-Gorkhas) all over the world taking part in a Global Rally for Gorkhaland. And as the Gorkha Global Rally completes a year in 2018, the issue still remains at large.

Where the problem lies
As is evident from history, agitations and semi-autonomous bodies have not been able to provide any respite to the Gorkhas’ demand. What is clearly lacking here is an accountable and transparent leadership- one that inspires not only a group of people but that which motivates everyone to come along with him/her and move forward for a common cause with renewed strategies and fresh perspectives.

On these lines, Shankar Pandey, a lawyer from Shillong opines, “Talking about leadership, accountable and transparent leadership is the need of the hour. It may be recalled that during Subhash Ghishing’s time, everybody looked up to him in the hope that he would give them Gorkhaland in a platter but the results proved otherwise. In 2017 again, it was the same state of affairs. However, a close look in the 2017 agitation will show a difference in strategic approach. It has been seen that people have learnt their lessons and GJM chief, Bimal Gurung was at the centre of the storm as people were on the lookout for accountability and transparency.”

It has been seen time and again that the major problem with Gorkhaland movement is the attitude of shifting responsibilities to one person or a group of people who display a level of ‘so-called’ leadership which is not even visible to common masses. It is significant to realise that the onus of Gorkhaland falls upon each and every Gorkha residing in any part of the world. Another major problem with the Gorkhaland demand is the presence of power corridor- A sense of democracy needs to be instilled in the minds of leaders.

“Gorkhaland is purely a matter of safeguarding identity”, Mr. Shankar adds. “When we compare the demand for Gorkhaland to those of Telangana, Uttarakhand and the likes, we see that the demand for these states was solely made from developmental point of view but this is definitely not the case with Gorkhaland. However, this does not mean that development is not a major factor in Darjeeling Hills, but identity is a primary force while all others feature subsequently”, he states.

The problem of identity crisis has been haunting the Gorkhas in India since times immemorial. Hence, this is not a fight for a separation from India but a fight of Indians to retain who they are!

Mr. Shankar makes an important point when he says, “The issue of identity can only be solved by statehood and not by any form of autonomous body of governance that has been seen as a solution to douse previous agitations. This is an attempt to dilute the greater demand”.

What is the solution?

“There is a need to set up a mass network of which each and every Gorkha can be part of a larger platform. The movement should not be confined to only the hills of Darjeeling but to all over India. Everybody should come together and take responsibility. There should be Gorkhaland campaigns and we should hold leadership accountable to us. There is no proper information dissemination. Knowledge is power and lack of knowledge makes the people and movement weak”, says Mr. Shankar.

The need for alternate leadership with young people from all fronts of life is the need of the hour. Youth should take up responsibility to cover up the limitations in the movement. A fresh approach is needed. Darjeeling is lagging behind in every front in terms of overall development as compared to other states of West Bengal which all the more justifies the need for demand of separate statehood.

It is a test of endurance and this is not the time to fade away into oblivion. This is infact the only movement that says that Gorkhas want to be part of India with an identity of their own. It is not about ‘Azaadi’ here, it is about ‘Identity’ while upholding the saying ‘Bharat Maata ki Jai!’

“Gorkhaland is not only about protests and agitation. It is time to understand that there are other more influential methods of demanding the same. It is high time we change our approach and work together smartly for a common cause. Even at the grassroot level, it is important for people to know what the movement is all about so that they can form opinions and work towards attainment of a larger cause. Ignorance in this case is definitely not bliss”, he adds

Founding Vice Chancellor of Sikkim University, Mahendra P Lama, while addressing a gathering in Shillong, Meghalaya on the Gorkhaland movement last year also drew focus to an important point when he said, “The problem of Gorkhaland does not belong to only Darjeeling alone but it is a national issue. The identity problem with Indian Gorkhas has increased manifold as we do not have a proper state representation”. Mr Lama was the pro vice chancellor of IGNOU and at the age of 45, he became the youngest vice chancellor of a central university in India.

He emphasises on the need to create a central committee to bring matters concerning all Gorkhas into the fray. For this, Mr. Lama stresses on the need for an organizational structure in the form of a central body that would overarch the national body and the inclusion of a national negotiating team as well. Following this, the next step would be to take the Gorkhaland issue to the National level with Parliamentary discussions on it. The issue should reach political parties, national civil society and other stakeholders including industrial and business houses.

He goes on to state that the orientation of the movement should undergo a major shift from emotional outpourings to more concrete discussions and debate. Tangible restructuring and reorientation of leadership pattern and political action should be carried out while also focusing more on central government to solve the issue rather than approaching the state government thereby confining the movement only to local fronts. It is important that a central committee should comprise of credible faces and influential minds so that the union government will take the plunge and be serious about negotiations.

Gaurav Lama, a supporter of Gorkhaland movement adds, “The movement in 2017 gained much more attraction due to social media. While it is good that the common man was honestly and strenuously involved, we must strive to strike deep into the BJP camp to make inroads. We must try to convince top BJP heads to push this matter forward.

The ruling government must prove to be more than just another power greedy party. They must come forth and stand by their promise of working on making Gorkhaland a reality. This can be achieved only if the senior BJP leaders are serious about Gorkhaland and if there are a bunch of people who shall talk to and remind the BJP senior hierarchy that they have their promises to keep.”

As is rightly said, “We have to tread the unorthodox path. A desperate situation requires a desperate solution”-Mahendra P.Lama

DISCLAIMER- The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the writer and the interviewees and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of TNT- The Northeast Today. Assumptions made within the analysis are not reflective of the position of TNT- The Northeast Today

The writer can be reached at shwetarajkanwar@gmail.com & shweta@thenortheasttoday.com

Via The Northeast Today

Bimal Gurung faction meets Rajnath, seeks panel on Gorkhaland

11:02 AM
KOLKATA: A six-member delegation of Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (Bimal Gurung faction) led by Darjeeling's BJP MP SS Ahluwalia met Home Minister Rajnath Singh in New Delhi on Tuesday and sought formation of a Central Government committee to look into the Gorkhaland statehood demand.

"GJM has been an alliance partner of BJP in NDA. In its manifesto for the last two general elections of 2009 and 2014, the BJP had stated that it will 'sympathetically examine and appropriately consider the long pending demand of Gorkhas and Adivasis'. We would therefore now appeal to you to take this assurance of the BJP forward through the Government by instituting an official committee to examine and appropriately consider the demand (of Gorkhaland)," read the letter by the GJM delegation to Singh.

"You are aware that you had been kind enough to issue a statement in September, 2017 assuring that talks would be held with GJM led by Bimal Gurung. Now that normalcy has been restored in Darjeeling, we are hoping that you would direct the Union Home Ministry to convene the talks at the earliest," the letter added.

In a press communique, Ahluwalia said Singh assured that a meeting will be convened soon.

The GJM delegation also met Tribal Affairs Minister Jual Oram and submitted a memorandum demanding that 11 Gorkha communities - Bhujel, Gurung, Mangar, Newar, Jogi, Khas, Rai, Sunwar, Thami, Yakhha (Dewan) and Dhimal - be included in the Central Scheduled Tribes list.

Express News Service

Whom Shall We Remember Today?

3:01 PM
Writes - Jyoti Thapa Mani

“A nation’s culture resides in the heart and soul of its people” -Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi 1869-1948

For the last two years, I have been penning Independence Day articles for TheDC, hailing heroes and heroines from the Indian Gorkha community who fought for India’s freedom.  This year I feel a vacuum. Because I feel we are still struggling more than ever before.


Recently, I attended a panel discussion on ‘In today’s globalised world, what role does nationalism play in India’s context?’ A mouthful of words, but essentially I think, it was about how nationalistic we are in this global age. One panellist said that nationalism is about the national bird, animal, dress, anthem and khichri. Another said it was about remembering our freedom struggle against the ‘other’, meaning the British rule. And what a costly affair it was, as freedom came with a big rider—the division of India and Pakistan based on religion.  A criterion, which after seventy-two years, appears as so very wrong. Millions were rendered homeless as they staggered across the borders by foot, on bullock carts, in trains and buses under the onslaught of massive violence and suffering. Lives, families and belongings were lost in the mayhem to reach a new homeland as per their religious identity. The governments in their hurry failed at maintaining a peaceful exchange.

After the British ‘other’, new ‘others’ took its place. Many Indians are still struggling for their identity. Some inside before 1947 are still crying for recognition. On the other hand, millions of refugees continue to pour into India. Some intellectuals say India is a huge tent where everyone can be accommodated. Others say sorry there is no more space in the tent.  Some expostulate that India stands for compassion. Clearly, idealism and reality knock heads in many ways and no one sees the middle path. Power and money appear to be the new nationalism. Nobody talks about the need to strengthen nationalism in terms of the Indian citizens feeling at home.

Millions of Indians born and raised in India go abroad and take oaths such as “I hereby declare, on oath, that I absolutely and entirely renounce and abjure all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign prince, potentate, state, or sovereignty, of whom or which I have heretofore been a subject or citizen; that I will support and defend the Constitution and laws of the United States of America”. Where does the Indian nationalism go then?

Either, there are those living in the world of ‘global opportunity-nationalism’ or clinging to archaic forms of racial insularity by dominating the minority. Dirty words like fascism are still surviving under new names. Leaders try hard to convince that we are a multinational and multicultural state because it sounds so good and upwardly mobile.  But murky waters lie deep beneath. Nationalism has different connotations for everyone and ironically the government has to force Indians to stand for the anthem in movie halls. Terms like the nation, nation-state, state, global citizen are weighing down or buoying up mindsets.

How nationalistic do we Indian Gorkhas feel? We are the country’s sterling defence force, but socially we are still perceived as immigrants from Nepal, foreigners on Indian soil. Despite the fact, that we have been citizens of this land for more than two hundred years. Our Indian identity on the face of it is as vague as a peel-off beauty mask. Funny thing is that while millions of Indians are migrating to the west, we are still here struggling to be accepted as Indians.  Its been a year now since the last agitation for Gorkhaland in the Darjeeling Hills witnessed yet another saga of dead bodies, persecution, humiliation and forceful crackdown. The Gorkhas of Darjeeling Hills are still fighting for independence from the ‘other’ being West Bengal government. Ironical, because the same government allows foreign nationals from Bangladesh to pour in millions and work without even a work permit. Bangladesh and India have no such treaty facilitating this.

So whom shall we remember today?

Shall we remember the 1947 era Gorkha freedom fighters for India’s Independence? They include patriots such as Amar Singh Thapa, Agam Singh Giri, Bhagat Bir Lama, Bhim Singh Rana, Balbhadra Chhetri, Bairagi Baba, Bhairav Singh Lama, Buddhiman, Bir Bahadur Gurung, Bishan Singh Khatri, Bishan Singh Rana, Bishnu Lal Upadhayay, Bhakta Bahadur Pradhan, Bhagwan Singh Thapa, Bhim Bahadur Khadka, Bhim Lal Sharma, Chandra Kumar Sharma, Chabilal Upadhyay, Dal Bahadur Giri, Dig Bir Singh Ramudamu, Dalbir Singh Lohar, Dhruba Singh Thapa, Devi Prasad Sharma, Dharmananda Upadhyay Mishra, Damber Singh Hingman, Gorey Khan, Gaga Tshering Dukpa, Gopal Singh Rana, Gopal Singh Shahi, Hari Prashad Upadhayay, Harish Chhetri, Hoshiyar Singh Karki, Hari Prashad, Hira Singh Khatri, Ishwarananda Gorkha, Indrani Thapa, Jung Bir Sapkota, Jai Narayan Upadhayay, Kumud Chandra Gorkha, Krishna Bahadur Sunwar, Khadga Bahadur Singh Bista, Laxman Limbu, Lal Bahadur Basnet, Man Bahadur Thapa , Mohan Singh Thapa , Mahabir Giri, Man Bahadur Rai, Maya Devi Chhetri, Niranjan Singh Chettri, Norbu Lama, Neetanand Tim Sinha, Pratiman Singh Lama, Parash Ram Thapa, Putlimaya Devi, Pushpa Kumar Ghisingh, Punna Singh Thakur, Padam Prasad Dhungel, Prem Singh Bista, Ratan Singh Lama, Ram Lal Upadhyay, Ram Singh Gurung, Shyam Bahadur Thapa, Samsher Singh Bhandari, Shyam Singh Shahi, Shiv Singh Thapa, Sher Bahadur Thapa, Sher Bahadur Allay, Shanker Dev Sharma, Savitri Devi, Thakur Prasad Kumai, Tej Bahadur Thapa (1), Tej Bahadur Thapa (2) and Tej Bahadur Subba.

Or shall we remember the INA freedom fighters from the 2/1 Gorkha Rifles? Including, the zealous INA Major Durga Malla, INA Captain Dal Bahadur Thapa, INA Captain Ram Singh Thakur, Bhim Singh Rana, Man Bahadur Thapa, Mohan Singh Thapa, Gopal Singh Shahi, Shaheed Shiam Bahadur Thapa and about forty-six more names.

Post 1947, do we remember the one thousand two hundred and one (1201) martyrs of the Gorkhaland agitation?  They include the thirteen unfortunate people killed by police firing in 1986 in Kalimpong and so many more with bullets shot straight to the head by WB police forces.

Or do we remember in recent times those killed in the 2017 Strike for Gorkhaland?  They include amongst many, the names of Bimal Sashankar of Goke, Mahesh Gurung of Relling, Sunil Rai of Kaijaley, Tashi Bhutia of Sonada, Suraj Bhushal of Tung Sung, Samir Gurung of Singamari, Ashok Tamang of Lewis Jubilee, Asish Tamang of Sukhiapokhri and Dawa Tshering Bhutia of Pedong.

Via TheDC

6th August a day when Gorkhaland was defeated in 2017

8:11 PM
Press Release

We fought a leaderless battle. 6th August is day when Gorkhaland was defeated in 2017.

This exact day, the aspiration of thousands washed off, when the so called brave leader of Gorkhas, Bimal Gurung ran for his life making mockery out of the sacrifices given by the martyrs. He chose his personal wellbeing over the cause of gorkhas and absconded when Darjeeling Police raided Gurung’s strong hold in the midst of the agitation last year.

Bimal Gurung 
It’s to be noted that, last year, during the end of July, that there were more number of people on the streets than police in the hills. The police was on the back foot as they didn’t want to aggravate the boiling situation after the death of nearly 12 people then. The police was seen locked in their confined areas as there were massive protests rallies and an ongoing indefinite hunger strike in the hills.

That was the time when Bimal Gurung should have come out in the public and showed his appearance as the agitation was seen to be going nowhere and the fact of ‘no leader on the ground’ too could not be ignored.

The speeches in the Bazar were given by GJM local town leaders along with some CPRM and GNLF leaders. In this given situation, the role of Binoy Tamang has to be appreciated. Even Maan Ghisingh was seen leading GNLF rallies and Binoy Tamang made an attempt to meet the sitting in for a hunger strike in chowrasta. There was a desperate attempt by GJM leadership begging Bimal Gurung to come to out and address the public but all went for vain as Bimal Gurung was reluctant to come out and he claimed to say that there would ‘be law and order’ situation.

Bimal Gurung, right from the start failed to come out. The Darjeeling police had even given him a chance to attend the 13th June, all party meeting in Gymkhana which he denied saying the police could not be trusted.

However, it was like any other typical monsoon day on 6th August, last year, the town was foggy and gloomy, while the ongoing strike had entered its 53rd day. And just after the everyday rally, the people were returning home, there was sudden buzz about how police were gathered to go down to Patlebas for a raid.

This was the first raid in Patlebas after June.

I would like to describe here about the situation in Patlebas, in July.
It was guarded by more than 1000 boys with patang (long sharp weapon) in military uniform with black masks. These boys were seen checking cars of the visitors who had come to visit Bimal Gurung. The people who visited Gurung then were being frisked at every 1 KM starting from St Micheal’s School. There were numerous camps of such masked people from Singmari to Patlebas.

The town was tensed as the police slowly approached Singmari. The people feared that these armed masked men would attack the police and the situation in the hills would deteriorate once again, but on contrary, these masked men were seeing fleeing for their lives while the police slowly approached down. Many of them fractured their hands and legs while jumping from tea gardens as Darjeeling Police marched down.

The so called “Gorkhaland ko Lagi Pran Dinchu” boys ran for their lives leaving their camps.

The news of the police raid quickly reached Bimal Gurung who had his camp in Singla. Instead of tackling with the police and facing them, Gurung crossed the border and entered Sikkim for his safety. Once Bimal Gurung was on the run, there was no leadership in the hills where Binoy and Anit were forced to take the leadership in their hands.

This was day when Police got the pulse of the coward leader and from that day the police never took a ‘U’ turn on him.


But, the million dollar questions which arise here is,

‘Is Bimal Gurung the real leader of billion Gorkhas? If you still nod your heads in agreement, then why would such leader leave the agitation directionless and abscond? Should we consider the fugitive one, our leader?

Satish Pokhrel
Vice President
Gorkha Janmukti Morcha
Central Committee

प्रेस विज्ञप्ति

हामीले नेतृत्वविहीन युद्ध लड़्यौ। 6 अगस्त गोर्खाल्याण्ड हारेको एउटा दुर्भाग्यपूर्ण दिन।

6 अगस्त गोर्खाल्याण्डको मुद्दाको हार भएको दुर्भाग्यपूर्ण दिन हो किनभने 2017 मा ठीक यही दिन गोर्खाहरूको आँटी अनि इमान्दार मानिएको नेता विमल गुरूङले पातलेबासमा पुलिसले छापामारी गर्दा आफ्नो ज्यान बचाउन गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलनलाई समेत अधकल्चोमा छोड़ेर सुइँकुच्चा ठोकी भागेका थिए।

सबैलाई अवगत भएकै कुरा हो, गतवर्ष जुलाईको अन्तमा गोर्खाल्याण्डप्रेमी जनता हजारौं संख्यामा आफ्नो ज्यानको पर्वाह नगरी सड़कमा निस्किएका थिए। पुलिसबलभन्दा धेर संख्यामा गोर्खाल्याण्डप्रेमी जनता गोर्खाल्याण्डको माग गर्दै सड़कमा उत्रिएको थियो। फलस्वरूप दार्जीलिङ पहाड़मा कुनै प्रकारको हिँसा नहोस् भनेर पुलिस बलसमेत ब्याकफुटमा जानु परेको थियो। किनभने योभन्दा अघि नै हिँसा भएको कारणले गर्दा 12 जना गोर्खाहरू शहीद बनिसकेको थियो। पुलिसहरू आ-आफ्नो इलाकामा नै तैनाथ रहनु परेको थियो भने दार्जीलिङ पहाड़मा हजारौंको संख्यामा मानिसहरू सड़कमा उर्लेर विरोध रयाली, जुलुस गरिरहेको थियो भने आमरन अनशनसमेत चलिरहेको थियो।

यस्तो स्थितिमा विमल गुरूङ एक आँटी अनि इमान्दार नेता भएको भए आफ्नो समर्थक आन्दोलनकारीहरूको बीचमा आएर आन्दोलनकारीहरूलाई मनोबल प्रदान गर्नुपर्ने थियो अनि आन्दोलनलाई अझ प्रभावशाली बनाएर अघि लानुपर्नेथियो। तर हजारौं समर्थकहरूको घेराबन्दी रहँदा-रहँदै पनि विमल गुरूङ कहिल्यै आन्दोलनकारीहरूको मनोबल बड़ाउन मैदानमा आएनन्। आन्दोलनकारीहरूको मनोबल बड़ाउन बजारका क्षेत्रीय नेता अनि क्रामाकपाका केही नेताहरूमात्रै भाषणहरू दिने गरेतापनि आन्दोलनको 105 दिन नै विमल गुरूङ आफ्नो ज्यान बचाउन लुकेर बसे। शहीदलाई श्रद्धाञ्जलि चड़ाउनसमेत उनलाई मैदानमा आउने आँट भएन। इमान्दार अनि आँटी मानिएको नेता विमल गुरूङलाई गोर्खाल्याण्ड अनि शहीदको वलिदानको भन्दा धेर मूल्य आफ्नो प्राणको रहयो।

यस्तो विकट स्थितिमा पनि भाषण दिने बजारका ती क्षेत्रीय नेतृत्त्व अनि क्रामाकपाका नेतृत्त्वहरू बरू विमल गुरूङभन्दा इमान्दार अनि साहसी देखियो। यसबाहेक अति सम्वेदनशील स्थितिमा पनि आफ्ना समर्थकहरूसित रयालीमा आउने गोरामुमो अध्यक्ष अनि आफू पक्रा पर्ने तथा ज्यान जाने डरलाई समेत पन्साएर चौरास्तामा अनशनकारीहरूसित भेट्न पुग्ने अनि दार्जीलिङ शहरका कतिपय विरोधमूलक कार्यक्रमहरूमा जनताबीच पुगेर मनोबल पड़ाउने विनय तामाङ विमल गुरूङभन्दा कैयौं गुणा साहसी अनि इमान्दार रहेको बुझियो। कानून व्यवस्था ठीक नभएको तथा आफ्नो ज्यानको खतरा रहेको कायरपूर्ण बयान दिँदै विमल गुरूङ आन्दोलनकालभरि केही भागिरहे। आन्दोलनको शुरूआतदेखि नै विमल गुरूङ भागिरहे यहाँसम्म कि 13 जूनमा जीमखानामा आयोजित अल पार्टी मीटिङमा सहभागी बन्न पुलिसले अनुमति दिँदा पनि पुलिस प्रशासनको विश्वास नरहेको उल्लेख गर्दै पक्रा पर्ने डरले उनी उक्त मीटिङमा पनि सामेल भएनन्।

गतवर्ष 6 अगस्तको दिन गोर्खल्याण्ड आन्दोलन सल्केको 53 दिन भएको थियो। सोहीमा  दिन पातलेबासमा पुलिसले छापामारी अभियान चलाएको थियो। जून महीनापछि पातलेबासमा गरिएको यो पहिलो छापामारी थियो। जुलाई महीनासम्म पातलेबाँसमा फौजी पोशाक लगाएर  मुखमा कालो पट्टी बाँधेका लगभग 1000 केटाहरू पाताङ (धारिलो हतियार) लिएर विमल गुरूङको निगरानीमा बस्दथ्यो। ती युवाहरूले विमल गुरूङलाई भेट्न आउने सबैको गाड़ी अनि शरीर निरीक्षण गर्थे। विमल गुरूङलाई भेट्न जानेहरूलाई पातलेबासदेखि लगभग एक किमी माथि स्थित सेन्ट माइकल स्कूलदेखि नै निरीक्षण अनि निगरानी गर्थे। सिङमारीदेखि पातलेबाससम्म यस्तै मास्क लगाउने केटाहरूको धेरै ठाउँमा  बस्ने गर्थे। 

पुलिसले छापामारी गर्दा ती केटाहरू अनि पुलिसमाझ हिस्रक भिड़न्त हुनसक्ने तथा दार्जीलिङ पहाड़को स्थिति भयावह भएर जाने मानिसहरूले चिन्ता व्यक्त गरिरहेका थिए। तर जब पुलिसले पातलेबासमा छापामारी गरियो गोर्खाल्याण्डको निम्ति प्राण दिन्छु भन्ने ती युवकहरू पनि आफ्नो ज्यान बचाउन चम्पट कसे। यतिमात्र होइन जब पुलिस छापामारीको खबर सिङ्लामा क्याम्प लगाएर बसेको विमल गुरूङले सुने उनी अडिग भएर बस्नुको साटो आफ्नो सुरक्षाको निम्ति तत्कालै सिक्किम सीमा नाघेर चम्पट कसे। एकातिर गोर्खाल्याण्डको निम्ति ज्यान समेत दिएर जनताले उनलाई सहयोग गरिरहेका थिए भने विमल गुरूङ पक्रा पर्ने डरले सिक्किमतिर भागेका थिए। विमल गुरूङ भागेपछि गोर्खाल्याण्डको आन्दोलन दिशाहीन बन्ने अवस्थामा बाध्यतावश विनय तामाङ अनि अनित थापाले आन्दोलनको नेतृत्त्व सम्हालेका थिए। उनीहरूमाथि पनि विमल गुरूङजत्तिकै खतरा भएतापनि उनीहरूले दार्जीलिङ पहाड़ छोड़ेनन् आन्दोलनको मैदान छोड़ेर भागेनन्। परिस्थितिलाई डटेर सामना गरे। आँटी अनि इमान्दार नेतृत्त्व विमल गुरूङ हुन् कि विनय तामाङ र अनित थापा हुन् भन्ने यसैले पनि स्पष्ट पार्छ।
6 अगस्त अर्थात् आजको दिन विमल गुरूङ आन्दोलनको मैदान छोड़ेर सिक्किम भागेपछि नै आन्दोलनमा पुलिस प्रशासनको दबाउ बड़्दै गएको हो। किनभने जनताले आँटी र इमान्दार भनेर विश्वास गरेको नेता विमल गुरूङ नै डरछेरूवा भएर भागेपछि पुलिसले विमल गुरूङको नाड़ी छामे।
सबैभन्दा ठूलो अनि महत्वपूर्ण प्रश्न के रहेको छ भने विमल गुरूङले शहीदहरूको वलिदान अनि जनताको भावनालाई कदर गर्दै नभागी डटेर परिस्थितिको सामना गरेको भए के उनको सुरक्षा आन्दोलनमा खटिएका हजारौं गोर्खाहरूले गर्ने थिएन?  अथवा गोर्खाल्याण्डको निम्ति उनी पक्रा नै परेको भएतापनि जनताको मन- मस्तिष्कमा उनको प्रभाव अझ बड़ेर उनी क्रान्तिकारी कहलाइने थियो र गोर्खाल्याण्डप्रेमी जनता अझ समर्पित भएर आन्दोलनमा उत्रिने थिए र सम्भवतः गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलन निरन्तर रहिरहने थियो।
तर मुखलेमात्रै बाघ हुँ भन्ने विमल गुरूङ आफैले डरछेरूवा मानसिकता देखाएर गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलन भताभुङ्ग बनाए भने सरकारलाई गोर्खाल्याण्ड आन्दोलन दबाउने प्रशस्त मार्गहरू पनि बनाइदिए। डेड़ करोड़ गोर्खाहरूको प्रतिनिधिले पक्रा पर्ने डरले डेड़ करोड़ गोर्खाहरूको सपना अनि बलिदानलाई लत्याएर भागेको आजको दिन गोर्खाहरूको भाग्यमा ग्रहण लागेको दिन हो। वीर गोर्खाहरूको इतिहाँसमा आजको दिन विमल गुरूङको कायरपनाको बदनाम इतिहाँस कोरिएको छ।

सतीश पोखरेल
उपाध्यक्ष
गोर्खा जनमुक्ति मोर्चा,केन्द्रिय समिति|

From Gorkhaland to GTA and then to Greenfield: A Road to Serfdom

6:34 PM
Writes Pratik Rumba for YKA

“For a colonized people the most essential value, because the most concrete, is first and foremost the land: the land which will bring them bread and, above all, dignity.” – Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth.
Activists of Gorkhaland Sanyukta Sangharsh Samiti shouting slogans during their demonstration at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi | PTI
Activists of Gorkhaland Sanyukta Sangharsh Samiti shouting slogans during their demonstration at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi | PTI

The state of ‘Bangla’ has finally fulfilled, as the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA) chairman says, the dream of ‘People of Darjeeling’ by granting a university in state assembly. The leader of Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha (GJM- B) left no space and time to express his gratitude towards the Chief Minister Mamta Banerjee for showing her ‘benevolent’ attitude towards the ‘non-tax payer’ of Darjeeling region. Now even the sons and daughters of ‘illiterate’ and ‘un-productive’ tea garden workers, who generate huge revenue to the owner and state government, can fulfil their dreams,  in the ‘Indian labour market’ that has been eagerly waiting for them from centuries. The people who are ought to be displaced for the new railway project may probably find a job as a construction worker in the upcoming university.

The forte of happiness was so much so that a central committee member, who was formerly a student leader, equated the decision of state university to ‘Gorkhaland in the field of education’. What could possibly have happened had the central university bill been passed in the parliament? Yes! Then according to his argument it seems there would have been a Separate country in the field of education. This sudden mania of the GJM leaders and its cadres is astonishingly stupid as ‘Annexure B2’ of the memorandum of agreement for GTA, signed in 2011, had already listed various institutes (such as Central institute of technology, NIT including IT and Bio-Technology, Fashion Technology institute, medical and nursing colleges and Central university) to be established as grand ‘developmental projects’ under GTA with an aid from both central and state government.

Manias

The manias of GJM-B only manifest their incapacitated ruling of the GTA-2 since they took charge of Lalkothi last year. This (manias) could very well be the reflection of the limited time GJM-B has onwards to Lokhsabha election. From its inception in 2011, GTA hardly made any difference in the lives of people apart from repairs of roads and timely ‘statehood’ threat from the then GJM supremo to state and central government. The helplessness of the situation only aggravated the crisis further leading up to another uprising for statehood in 2016.The GTA gambling card that was placed on the table at Pintail village by both state and centre was supposed to achieve ‘all round development of the people of region’ in terms of socio-economic, infrastructural, educational, cultural, and linguistic developments. Now, the seven years down the line the GTA card turned out to be the lowest of all the poker hands and has nothing to show in concrete in the run up for Lokhsabha election campaign in 2019. In this context, the manias of the GJM-B is lucidly justifiable.

What’s in a name? —

What was fishy (daal me kala) about the bill was the name of the University. They (the state) named the upcoming university in the region as ‘Greenfield’ university. All the universities established in the state of West Bengal has been named either after the name of the region (Bankura, Bardaman, Raiganj etc.) or after some historical figures (Rabindra Bharati, Sido Kanuhu Murmu, Kazi Nazrul etc.). The government that has been constituting “n” number of ethnic boards supposedly for promoting local culture and dialects could not manage to find even a single word that could well describe/ define the historical specificity of the region. Such move of naming the university bereft of any local/regional specificity is to make people of the region cognizant of the fact that they have no historical figures, whom they can look up to.

As a crutch to the state government, some cadres of the GJM through various social media platform started a campaign ‘What’s in a Name’. The name is not as simple to be relegated to just a word but it also carries with it the objective reality. However, the political manoeuvring of words is not new in Darjeeling politics. The power and solemnity of a word is to be learnt from late Subash Ghishing. After a compromise of Gorkhaland movement in 1986, the then chairman of Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF) went to claim that Identity problem of the Gorkhas has been resolved as the state and central government has agreed to add ‘Gorkha’ in Darjeeling Hill Council. We now know for how long GNLF ruled the region under the shadow of the then Left front government by just adding a word Gorkha to the Hill Council. For that matter, even the united GJM (A+B) after their compromise in 2011 had openly taken credit and pride of having the word ‘Gorkhaland’ in the new territorial set up (GTA).

The GJM-B, particularly at this juncture, is well aware of the implication that a word can have for its ‘own’ survival and would rather prefer to leave no stone unturned. As expected, GJM MLA approached the monitoring team at Nabanna requesting a change in the name from ‘Greenfield’ to ‘Darjeeling University’. But it still raises few doubts. First, had they (anyone from the region) not been consulted beforehand while formulating the bill? Second, why has the state government preferred to use a ‘foreign’ name that has nothing to do with the people and their regional history? Third, is it an act of denial of people’s history in the region? The state government may rename the university from Greenfield to Darjeeling University, which of course is a politically neutral word that should not bother much, sooner or later but the whole political cinematography only reflected the high handedness of the state government over the region and the ‘puppetism’ of the local leaders.

Gorkha National Question (s) and the Development

At the pick phase of the last Gorkhaland movement, an old man from a tea garden was asked to define Gorkhaland in an interview by a local media. His answer was simple and succinct: For him Gorkhaland meant land (Gorkhaland Bhaneko Mato Ho!). How would have the leader of the Gorkhaland movement answered the very same question? Not surprisingly, the answer would have been the ‘lack of development’. Not only has the beguiled leader of the movement but even the honest Gorkha intellectuals and supporters confused the Gorkha national question (s) with the (one point) ‘undervelopment’ problem.
The argument of ‘underdevelopment’ has its origin in the left front rule in West Bengal. Whenever the demand for separate statehood intensified the ruling class and its intelligentsia always brought  ‘underdevelopment’ on the table for discussion thus diverting the core question of national political identity for Gorkhas to the general problem of underdevelopment faced by every people and regions in India. GJM leaflet (2009) at the very outset quite correctly identified the core problem of the Gorkhas that read ‘the demand for Gorkhaland is basically a question of the Gorkha Indian Political Identity…as the spectre of ‘alien-ness’, being called ‘foreigner’ and ‘eviction’ continues to hunt the Indian Gorkhas even today…”.  However, major part of the leaflet emphasised on the question of ‘economic deprivation’ and ‘discrimination’.

Economic backwardness may be one of the aspects of the crisis in the region but an information document (1986) of West Bengal itself suggests that the district, in terms of various economic indicators, stands out to be better than any other districts in north Bengal or any districts in western Bengal such as Purulia, Bankura, Birbhum and Midnapur. If economic development is the panacea for century old unrest in the region then one would expect cropping up of such statehood demand in every regions of the state.

Now let us assume that the state/central government is going to fulfil all the major projects, listed in MoU of GTA, including the establishment of various institutes and central university in the region. Are these ‘mega’ projects going to resolve the national question (s) of the Gorkhas? For elucidation, the Chinese government has changed and transformed the face of Tibet better than any cities in India through its mega developmental projects. Has it also changed the aspiration of the people of Tibet? Since 2011, around 152 Tibetans have self-immolated for their national cause.

Gorkhaland and the Land Question

The major part of Darjeeling district is covered by forest and tea gardens. Almost 70 percent of the population lives in forest and tea gardens. Since the forest and tea gardens come under the jurisdiction of state government, none of the population staying in the forest and tea gardens has the ownership right over land. Even for small repairing work of the houses, one has to take permission beforehand from the management to whom the state government has given the land in lease for pittance. Not only the tea gardens and the forest, there are several villages near the towns (comes under municipality) that have no valid and legal documents to support their claim/ownership right over land. It is precisely due to this alienation of people from their own land, which time and again gets articulated in terms of strong posturing of land question in the movement for Gorkhaland.

A significant number of the tea gardens are in a state of lock down as workers demanded a hike in wage rate. Lockout has become a popular instrument of keeping the wages at the subsistence level in tea gardens. Even the plantation labour act 1951 that favours the owner and the management are being violated. Some of the tea gardens are locked down throughout the year except in the plucking and harvesting seasons. In doing so, the management is not liable to provide basic rights such as ration, medical facilities, bonus etc. There are also instances when the workers have requested the management to run the factory without even providing statutory rights to them. In some of the abandoned tea gardens, the workers by defying the state government formed a cooperative and started running the factory. However, the state government later leased out the same to private players. This is how generations after generations of the tea garden workers have been kept under starvation and poverty. This is also probably the reason that the people from tea gardens stand out quite vehemently at the forefront of every Gorkhaland agitation.

Moreover, the tea industry has not been doing quite well particularly in the neo-liberal phase of globalisation. The reason for this could be growing competition in the tea industry. Another reason for this dwindling situation of the tea industry is the reluctance of the management to reinvest back in the production site. This has resulted in the limited development of productive forces and has also constrained the increase in the productive capacity (employment opportunity) in the tea industry. Can the people of district go for other livelihood options (at least where the factories have been shut down for a long time) so that they can raise the standard of living and send their children to Greenfield University in the coming few years from now? The state of West Bengal is known for having more or less successful land reform, where the state confiscate the land from the land lord and distribute it to the bargardars (tenants), in the history of Indian land reform. One may be interested in knowing the proportion of land that was distributed to the people of Darjeeling during the much celebrated ‘operation Barga’ (1978-1985). Can the state government distribute abandoned tea estates to the erstwhile tea garden workers? The monitoring team at Nabanna would not be pleased to hear all that ‘crap’ as the Nabanna is also constantly monitored by domestic and foreign capital.

The beginning

The century old national question (s) of the Gorkhas in the district of Darjeeling cannot be resolved through extravagant use of money and power. The same old method of silencing the dissent voices has only postponed the crisis in the region as the frequency of the statehood demand has increased in recent years. Moreover, the state led financing of the anti-statehood squad (ethnic boards, GJM-B etc.) in the region is unsustainable in the long term as the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) data noted that the West Bengal debt (second top borrower only after Maharashtra) burden has increased staggeringly in the last few years. It is more likely that the people of district is going to witness a change in the squad in coming years.

The state government has been acting like a ‘traditional landlord’, where it refuses the release the productive forces but collects handsome revenue by leasing out land to the tea owners. In the absence of enough employment opportunity there has been a temporary migration in big cities and many have piled up in the informal sector of the region. The outcome of national register of citizen (NRC) in Assam may likely to further aggravate the situation, in the region, as it did in the late 1980s when Bhutanese government enforced the citizenship act of 1958.
The territorial separation of oppressed, marginalized and discriminated region is a step ahead for the democratization of the oppressive and centralized social structure of India.  However, there is a need to enlarge the canvas of Gorkha national struggle vis-à-vis other struggles by oppressed nationalities, oppressed communities and religious minorities in Indian subcontinent today. However, the major concern of the Gorkhaland movement since from its inception has been liquidation of the movement from the rank of its own leaders.  The regular betrayal has led the movement to the road of serfdom at various points . Such betrayal is to be overcome through concerted spirit and uncompromising participation for the statehood and their own homeland which assign them the real political identity in Indian subcontinent.

Properties of fugitive Gorkha leaders Bimal Gurung, five others attached to cases

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Properties of fugitive Gorkha leaders Bimal Gurung, five others attached to cases

Writes: Pramod Giri

Darjeeling district police and West Bengal’s Criminal Investigation Department have started attaching the properties of fugitive Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) leaders, including Bimal Gurung, who led a failed movement aimed at securing a separate state of Gorkhaland.

A three-storeyed house at Patlaybas belonging to Gurung and his wife, Asha, were attached on Wednesday. They also seized some moveable property.
Bimal Gurung 

The two were among six people declared as proclaimed offenders by a Darjeeling court on March 29, four months after they failed to appear before it in November 2017. The court ordered the attachment of their properties the same day on a plea filed by the CID, which is investigating the June 2017 violence outside Darjeeling’s Bhanu Dhawan.

The six people – also comprising Roshan Giri, Prakash Gurung, Ashok Chettri and Amrit Yongen – have been charged under the anti-terror law.

On June 8 last year, GJM leaders had organised a demonstration to protest the state’s plan to make Bengali a compulsory subject in all schools. The rally turned violent, and GJM clashed with the police barely 200 metres from Raj Bhavan – where chief minister Mamata Banerjee was holding a cabinet meeting.

The CID took over the investigation on June 29, 2017, even as the Gorkhaland agitation claimed 13 lives and caused a complete shutdown of the hills for 104 days. Gurung and the others absconded after they were charged under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act.

“The chief judicial magistrate’s court directed GJM leaders to surrender before it by November 2017, but they did not turn up,” said Darjeeling assistant public prosecutor Pankaj Prasad.

When asked why the police have taken this long to attach Gurung’s property, Darjeeling inspector-in-charge Soumyajit Roy said: “We did it within the stipulated time. The properties of other absconding leaders will also be attached in phases.”

Neither Gurung nor any other GJM leader could be reached for comment. Attempts to identify a lawyer representing Gurung also went in vain. “As far as I know, no lawyer represents Bimal Gurung in the district court,” said Brivor Chettri, a local advocate.

Via: HT

गोर्खा राष्ट्रीय शिखर सम्मलेन अनि दिल्ली घोषणा

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दिनांक 28 अनि 29 तारीख जुलाई 18 मा गोरखल्याण्ड संयुक्त संघर्ष समिति को आह्वान  मा डाकिएको प्रस्तावित गोरखल्याण्ड क्षेत्र लगायत सम्पूर्ण भारतब्यापि राजनैतिक अनि अराजनैतिक पार्टी का प्रतिनिधि हरु लाई लिएर गरिएको गोर्खा राष्ट्रीय शिखर सम्मलेन सुचारू रूप मा सम्पन्न भयो। गोर्खाहरु को राष्ट्रिय चिनारी र राजनैतिक सुरक्षा को निम्ति गरिएको सिंगो मुद्दा गोर्खाल्याण्ड को निम्ती साथै पहाड़ मा बंगाल सरकार द्वारा गोर्खा हरु को अस्तित्व मास्न गोर्खाहरु माथि गरिरहेको बिभिन्न अन्याय र अत्याचार बिरुद्ध अनि देशब्यापी गोर्खा हरु ले बिभिन्न राज्य हरु तिर भोगीरहेको बिभिन्न समस्या हरु लाई लिएर गरिएको शिखर सम्मलेन मा पहाड़ का राजनैतिक पार्टी बाट गोर्खा राज्य निर्माण मोर्चा बाट अध्यक्ष  श्री दावा पाखरीन अनि टोली, गोर्खा जन मुक्ति मोर्चा (बिमल गुरुङ पन्थी) बाट डा० लोपसांग लामा, श्री रमेश आले, प्राध्यपक उर्मिला रुम्बा, अनिल लोप्चन अनि टोली, क्रमैले क्रन्तिकारी मार्क्सवादी पार्टी बाट अध्यक्ष श्री आर बी राई अनि टोली,  यु जी आर एफ बाट अध्यक्ष श्री अजय दहाल अनि टोली, एन जी सी बाट रिटायर्ड डी जी पी श्रीमान अनिल प्रधान, नवीन सुब्बा, आई डि आर एफ बाट श्रीमान केदार नाथ शर्मा, डोनाल्ड गहतराज अनि टोली, जी यु एल एफ बाट सचिव श्रीमती ऋषिका छेत्री, असम गोर्खा छात्र संघ बाट अध्यक्ष श्री प्रेम तमांग अनी टोली, श्री सुनिल छेत्री अनी टोली, भारतीय गोर्खा परिसंघ बाट श्री जोएल राई, जी डब्लू डब्लू ए एम् मेघालय बाट अद्यक्ष श्रीमती सरस्वती राई, जेस्मिन राइ अनि टोली, मणिपुर गोर्खा सुधारक संघ बाट सचिव श्री शिव बस्नेत, ए आई जी इ डब्लू ए देहरादून बाट महासचिव श्री ए के मुखिया, उत्तराखंड जी एस एस एस बाट श्री गजेन्द्र शाही, गोर्खा डेमोक्रेटिक फ्रन्ट बाट अध्यक्ष श्री सूर्य बिक्रम शाही,हेल्प क्रस बाट बिशाल थापा, उत्तराखण्ड सर्ब समाज महा संघ बाट सारीका प्रधान अनी टोली, गोर्खा राष्ट्रिय कांग्रेस बाट - अध्यक्ष श्री भरत दोङ, सुबोध पाख्रिन अनि टोली, जी एस एस एस दार्जीलिङ बाट आशिष छेत्री, जी एस एस एस कालेबुङबाट उमेश शर्मा, बीर गोर्खा कल्याण समिति बाट अध्यक्ष श्री श्रवण सिंह प्रधान, सिक्किम बाट अधिबक्ता सुश्री याङ्जी पिनाशा, डुवर्स गोजामुमो(बिमल गुरुङ गुट ) बाट श्री रोहित थापा आदि प्रमुख रूप ले उपस्थित थिए, जाप पार्टी बाट प्रतिनिधि को रूप मा सुप्रीम कोर्ट का अधिवक्ता श्री महेश सिंह जी उपस्थित थिए भने उनले जाप अध्यक्ष श्री हर्क बहादुर क्षेत्री आफ्नो पारिवारिक असुविधा ले उपस्थित हुन नसकेको तर उक्त सम्मेलन को निर्णय लाई समर्थन साथै सहयोग गर्ने अध्यक्ष को लिखित संदेश पढेर हाउस लाई सुनाए, यस लगायत सिक्किम टेवा मञ्च, एन सी सी जी मणिपुर, एन जी ए नागाल्याण्ड,शिलगडी बाट बि पि बजगाँई, कालेबुङबाट पिक्सा सुझाव एव लिखित सहमति प्राप्त भएको छ। २८ तारीख को दिन एम् पी क्लब नार्थ एभिन्यू दिल्ली मा अनि दोस्रो दिन करोल बाग मा सम्पन्न भएको उक्त सम्मलेन लाई रिटायर्ड आई पी एस श्री नर्बु छिरिंग ज्यु ले अद्यक्षता गरेका थिए। उक्त सम्मेलन मा स्वागत भाषण गोरखल्याण्ड संयुक्त संघर्ष समिति का अद्यक्ष श्री किरण बी के ले राखेका थिए, कार्यक्रम मुख्य मोडेरेटर जिएसएसएस कार्यकारी अध्यक्ष सघन मोक्तान एंव जिएसएसएस का राष्ट्रिय प्रबक्ता श्रीमती अन्जनी शर्माले गरेका थिए ।  जसमा उनले सबै लाई स्वागत जनाउदै गोर्खा हरुका पहाड़ देखि लिएर देशब्यापी समस्या हरु लाई राखेका थिए भने यो सम्मलेन बाट यी सबै समस्या निराकरण को बाटो अनि गोर्खे अस्तित्व जगेरा को बलियो धरातल बनियोस् साथै जनता को आकांशा अनुरूप यसको निचोड़ निस्कियोस् भन्दै सुरुवात गरेका थिए।
गोर्खा राष्ट्रीय शिखर सम्मलेन अनि दिल्ली घोषणा

सम्मलेन को पहिलो दिन को कार्यसूची अनुरूप गोरखल्याण्ड को बिगत आंदोलन हरु असफल भएको प्रमुख कारण हरु खुट्याउने काम भयो जसमा उपस्थित सबै प्रतिनिधि हरु ले बिभिन्न कारण हरु राखे साथै ति कारण हरु माथि चर्चा परिचर्चा गरियो। यसरी नै दोस्रो दिन ती समस्या हरु को समाधान बिषय लिएर बहस चल्यो, भने 2019 को रणनीति बारे पनि धेरै तर्क भयो साथै सबै ले बिचार साझा राखे । समाधान को क्रम मा सबै ले साझा पहल मा साझा रणनीति नै प्रमुख समाधान रहेको मन्तब्य पोखे भने सबै भन्दा पहिला साझा मंच मा आउन जरुरी रहेको सबै अग्रज हरु को भनाई थियो। जाती अस्तित्व को निम्ती यो समय धेरै खतरनाक रहेको र हामी सबै ले पहाड़ मा चलिरहेको बिभिन्न चल खेल र अत्याचार बिरुद्ध साथै मणिपुर को गोर्खा हरु ले भोगी रहेको आई एल पी को समस्या आसाम का गोर्खा हरु ले भोगी रहेको डी भोटर र एन आर सी को समस्या लगायत देश का बिभिन्न राज्य तिर बसोबास गर्ने गोर्खा हरु को निराकरण को निम्ती सबै ले एकमुष्ट भएर साझा रूप मा पहल गर्ने निधो गर्दै निम्न रेजुलेशन लाई सर्ब सम्मति ले पारित गरियो।
गोर्खा राष्ट्रीय शिखर सम्मलेन ले पारित गरेका 7 बुँदे रेजुलेशन निम्न प्रकार ले छन।

1. गोर्खाल्याण्ड अभियान लाई अगाडि बढाउन सबै राजनैतिक अनि अराजनैतिक पार्टी का प्रतिनिधि हरु लाई लिएर राष्ट्रिय स्तर को संयोजक समुह को निर्माण गरियो।

२. गत आन्दोलन को निहुँ मा प्रस्तावित गोर्खाल्याण्ड क्षेत्र मा बंगाल प्रशासन द्वारा चलाइएको दमन उत्पीडन र झुटा मामला हरु बन्द गरिनु पर्छ।

३. भारत को खाट्टी नागरिक माथि बंगाल सरकार जातिय उत्पीडन रोक्न केन्द्र सरकार ले तुरन्त हस्तक्षेप गर्नु पर्छ।

४. संवैधानिक अनि न्यायोचित मांग गरिरहेका श्री विमल गुरुङ लगायत अन्य नागरिकहरु लाई बंगाल प्रशासन ले गरिरहेको पानी खेदो तुरन्त बन्द हुनु पर्छ।

५. गोर्खा राष्ट्रिय शिखर सम्मेलन ले पारित गरेको रेजुलेशन को प्रति सम्पूर्ण राज्य का मुख्यमंत्री, राज्यपाल साथै संसद का विपक्ष का नेता हरुलाई उपलब्ध गराउनु पर्नेछ।

६. असम मा बसो बासो गर्ने गोर्खा समुदाय लाई डी भोटर र फरेन ट्रीब्युनल द्वारा षड्यन्त्र पूर्वक विदेशी तथा बंगलादेशी थप्पा लगाउने असमेली सरकार को कार्य माथि  केन्द्रिय सरकार ले हस्तक्षेप गर्नु पर्छ।

७. बर्षौ देखि पूर्वोत्तर को राज्य मणिपुर मा बसोबास गर्ने गोर्खा समुदाय लाई विदेशी घोषित गर्न १९५० लाई कट आफ यिएर रखी जारी गरिएको मणिपुर पिपल बिल २०१८  तुरन्त फिर्ता हुनु पर्छ।

अन्त मा यो पहल लाई साँचो रूप मा राष्ट्रियकरण गर्न साथै नवगठित राष्ट्रिय संयोजक समुह जो प्रत्येक राजनैतिक अनि अराजनैतिक पार्टी बाट दुई दुई जना लिएर बनिएको छ यसको संयोजक को रूप मा जी एस एस एस को प्रतिनिधि ले नै कार्य गर्ने निधो गरियो साथै उक्त समुह द्वारा बारम्बार बसेर गोर्खा हरु को सिंगो राष्ट्रिय चिनारी को मुद्दा गोर्खाल्याण्ड को निम्ति साथै गोर्खाल्याण्ड क्षेत्र लगायत विभिन्न राज्यहरू को समस्या हरु पनि बुझ्ने हेतु ले देश का विभिन्न राज्य मा शिखर सम्मेलन को फलोअप मीटिंग राख्ने निधो गरियो साथै अगला कार्यक्रम असम को गुवाहाटी मा सेप्टेम्बर महिना मा गर्ने सर्वसम्मति ले पारित गरियो।

किरण बी के
अध्यक्ष
सघन मोक्तान
कार्यकारी अध्यक्ष
केन्द्रिय समिति
गोर्खाल्याण्ड संयुक्त संघर्ष समिति ( साझा मञ्च)

 
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